Lives of the Prophets, The Illustrations to Hafiz-i Abru’s “Assembly of Chronicles” PDF

Lives of the Prophets

Studies in Persian Cultural History Editors Charles Melville (Cambridge University) Gabrielle van den Berg (Leiden University) Sunil Sharma (Boston University)

Volume 16

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/spch

Lives of the Prophets The Illustrations to Hafiz-i Abru’s “Assembly of Chronicles”

Mohamad Reza Ghiasian

LEIDEN | BOSTON

Cover illustration: “Abraham sacrifices his son,” a folio from the dispersed manuscript of universal history, opaque watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Herat, ca. 1428. Walters Art Museum, Baltimore MD, accession number: W.676Aa. The Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available online at http://catalog.loc.gov

Typeface for the Latin, Greek, and Cyrillic scripts: “Brill”. See and download: brill.com/brill-typeface. ISSN 2210-3554 ISBN 978-90-04-37721-9 (hardback) ISBN 978-90-04-37722-6 (e-book) Copyright 2018 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Hes & De Graaf, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Rodopi, Brill Sense, Hotei Publishing, mentis Verlag, Verlag Ferdinand Schöningh and Wilhelm Fink Verlag. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. This book is printed on acid-free paper and produced in a sustainable manner.

Contents Foreword ix Acknowledgements xi List of Figures and Tables xii Introduction 1 1 Chapter Summary 3 2 Note on Appendices, Translation, Transliteration and Dates 5 1 The Political and Cultural Setting 6 1 Political History 6 2 The Legitimation of Shahrukh’s Rule 10 3 Foreign Relations 13 4 Personal Traits of Shahrukh 16 5 Art Patronage 20 2 Book Production under Shahrukh 25 1 The Surviving Manuscripts 27 2 Hafiz-i Abru’s Kulliyat-i tarikhi 32 3 Rashid al-Din’s Jamiʿ al-tawarikh (Hazine 1654) 35 4 Nizami’s Khamsa of 835/1431 in the Hermitage Museum 39 5 Nizami’s Khamsa Known as the Cartier Khamsa 41 6 Jamiʿ al-tawarikh of the Bibliothèque Nationale 41 7 Miʿrajnama and Tazkirat al-awliya‌ʾ of the Bibliothèque Nationale 43 3 Majmaʿ al-tawarikh and Its Surviving Illustrated Copies 45 1 The Life of Hafiz-i Abru 45 2 Hafiz-i Abru’s Works 48 3 Majmaʿ al-tawarikh 49 4 Stories of the Prophets and the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh 52 5 The Surviving Illustrated Copies of the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh 57 6 Hazine 1653 62 7 The Illustration Cycle of the Timurid Parts of Hazine 1653 74 8 Some Remarks on Foreign Relations as Reflected in these Manuscripts 80 9 The “Divided Manuscript” as a Hitherto Unknown Copy of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh Produced at the Rabʿ-i Rashidi 81

contents

10 11 12

The Dispersed Manuscript 89 Paintings Added Later to the Dispersed Manuscript 91 Shahrukhi Illustrations of the Dispersed Manuscript 96

4 Stylistic Analysis 108 1 Human Figures 114 2 Architectural Forms and Natural Life 118 3 Battle Scenes 126 4 Enthroned Figures 129 Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets 132 1 Cat. 1: Adam Orders Abel and Cain to Sacrifice 132 2 Cat. 2: The Ark of Noah 134 3 Cat. 3: The Prophet Salih and the She-Camel 142 4 Cat. 4: Abraham in the Fire 145 5 Cat. 5: Abraham Sacrifices His Son 150 6 Cat. 6: The Prophet Jacob and His Twelve Sons 156 7 Cat. 7: Joseph before the Women of Egypt 160 8 Cat. 8: The Prophet Job’s Distress 163 9 Cat. 9: Moses Prevails over Pharaoh 166 10 Cat. 10: Moses and the Israelites Watch the Egyptians Drown in the Sea 168 11 Cat. 11: Moses Orders the Israelites to Sacrifice a Cow 174 12 Cat. 12: Moses and Korah 175 13 Cat. 13: Moses Striking the Giant ʿUj’s Ankle 182 14 Cat. 14: Solomon among Demons, Fairies, Wildlife and Birds 190 15 Cat. 15: Jesus Brings Back to Life Shem, the Son of Noah 195 16 Cat. 16: Jonah and the Whale 198 17 Cat. 17: Excavation of the Well of Zamzam 203 18 Cat. 18: The Birth of the Prophet Muhammad 206 19 Cat. 19: Muhammad’s Call to Prophecy and the First Revelation 210 20 Cat. 20: The Prophet Converts Abu Bakr 214 Conclusion 218 Appendix 1: Translation of the Illustrated Episodes of the Lives of the Prophets Based on Hazine 1653 223 1 The Children and the Descendants of Adam 223 2 Concerning the Life of the Prophet Noah 226 3 Salih and the People of Thamud 231

contents

vii

The Story of Abraham: From the Birth up to the Beginning of the Migration 234 5 Abraham Sacrifices His Son 237 6 Concerning Jacob 240 7 The Tale of Joseph and Zulaykha 243 8 The Story of Job 248 9 Moses’ Coming to Egypt and Delivering the Message to Pharaoh 251 10 Moses and the Israelites’ Departure from Egypt and the Drowning of Pharaoh and his People 253 11 The Corpse that was Found among the Israelites 257 12 Moses and Korah 259 13 Moses and the People of ʿAd and ʿUj ibn ʿUnuq 262 14 The Story of Bilqis and the City of Sheba 265 15 Jesus’ Coming to Jerusalem 271 16 The Prophet Jonah 273 17 Excavation of [the Well of] Zamzam 276 18 The Birth of [the Prophet] Mustafa 277 19 The First Divine Revelation and the Beginning of the Apostle’s Mission 279 20 Conversion of the Companions and Disagreement of Scholars about the First One who Converted to Islam 281 Appendix 2: Headings and Illustrations in Hazine 1653 283 Appendix 3: Location of Paintings so Far Identified as Later Additions in the Dispersed Manuscript (Second Style) 311 Appendix 4: Location of Paintings so Far Identified as Later Additions in the Dispersed Manuscript (Third Style) 315 Bibliography 317 Index 336

Foreword On one level, this study of the lives of the prophets, as narrated by one of the most productive and influential mediaeval Persian historians, contains much that is familiar and easily accessible to readers belonging to the main monotheistic religions. Stories of Moses and the crossing of the Red Sea, of Jonah and the whale, Abraham’s sacrifice of Ishmael, or Joseph and Zulaykha (Potiphar’s wife), are sufficiently well known that the chief interest in reading their miracles and deeds again is to see how the Biblical narratives are retold in the Islamic tradition, with the accumulated twists of detail and interpretation that make for their complete appropriation into Muslim scholarship. It is instructive, also, to see that these ‘stories’ are woven into a chronicle of ancient history that has prophets and kings sharing the same space; a space and a narrative that later, once the age of the prophets was over (for Muslims, Muhammad was the ‘seal of the prophets’), we see being shared by shahs and saints, or latterly, in Iran, the Shiʿi imams. The competitive but more or less comfortable accommodation between these two sources of authority – secular and spiritual – is a persistent feature of mediaeval writing and with different degrees of emphasis and intensity continues today. The fact that Hafiz-i Abru’s Majmaʿ al-tawarikh is an historical compilation, not a hagiography nor a scriptural exegesis, serves to underline the inextricable place of religion in the history of human society and thought. For a fifteenth-century chronicler such as Hafiz-i Abru, indeed, the main point of writing history was to reveal and underline the Divine plan for human life on earth. As it was, equally, for Hafiz-i Abru’s contemporaries in Christian Europe, and the sources on which he relied. On another level, Mohamad Reza Ghiasian plunges fearlessly into the complex manuscript transmission and codicology of Hafiz-i Abru’s oeuvre. It is not enough that Hafiz-i Abru absorbed the work of his predecessors, such as Balʿami’s Persian version of Tabari’s History of the Prophets and Kings, Rashid al-Din’s Jamiʿ al-tawarikh, Nizam al-Din Shami’s Zafarnama and other texts into his own chronicle. He did so partly by inserting his own text into the incomplete manuscripts of the works of his predecessors, most specifically, in this case, the ‘universal history’ of Rashid al-Din (d. 1318). While Hafiz-i Abru’s imprint on manuscripts of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh is well known, the precise relationship between the two chronicles still causes confusion, as evidenced by the recent printed edition of the history of the prophets discussed in the book before us now, under the authorship of Rashid al-Din, whereas in fact, it is the work of Hafiz-i Abru.

foreword

The confusion arises largely because few scholars have looked in detail at the manuscripts themselves. Dr Ghiasian’s painstaking and highly precise codicological analysis of the manuscripts not only allows a better understanding of Hafiz-i Abru’s own contributions to rewriting earlier history, but has served to identify the existence of a previously unrecognised contemporary copy of Rashid al-Din’s chronicle. Fragments of this were absorbed into Hafiz-i Abru’s editorial work on the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh in the Istanbul manuscript (H. 1653) and also into his own complete copy of the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh, which has now been dispersed throughout numerous public and private collections. The main reason for this dispersal is that the manuscript is heavily illustrated in what has been named Shahrukh’s ‘historical style’ – with rather prosaic and simplistic characteristics, in plain primary colours and lacking the refinement of the artistic production of other fifteenth-century ateliers. This is itself is another reason for the relative neglect of the Hafiz-i Abru manuscripts – not, on the whole, seen as interesting to textual scholars (not the subject of any printed editions) or to art historians. Mistakenly, in both cases. And here again, Dr Ghiasian’s close and rigorous approach to both text and image has paid off, in identifying numerous paintings of the dispersed manuscript that were painted over the text before it was dismembered by greedy European dealers in the early twentieth century. In short, his forensic detective work has resulted in a splendid adornment to this series. It will be an essential resource for historiographers and art historians alike in any effort to understand the meaning of history, the context of its production and way it was visualised in early fifteenth-century Iran. Charles Melville Cambridge February 2018

Acknowledgements I would like to express my gratitude to many generous individuals for their contributions to this research. In particular, I am greatly indebted to Lorenz Korn for his guidance, his patience, and his invaluable criticisms. I owe a special debt of gratitude to Karin Rührdanz whose many suggestions improved the text’s structure. Very particular thanks are due to Charles Melville for his encouragement, support, valuable suggestions and his profound proofreading of the text. All errors are, needless to say, solely my responsibility. I express my profound thanks to Robert Hillenbrand, Birgitt Hoffmann, Sheila Blair, Adel Adamova, Christiane Gruber, Eleanor Sims, Yuka Kadoi and Sussan Babaie for their help and valuable advice on a number of matters presented in this study. I would also like to express my appreciation to Ilse Sturkenboom for her generous help at different stages of the work. Particular thanks are due to Ashkan Rahmani for his hospitality during my stay in Istanbul. Warm thanks go to the staff of the David Collection, especially Joachim Meyer, the curator, and Anne-Marie Keblow Bernsted, the conservator of the Museum, for their numerous acts of assistance. I would like to thank the personnel of the Topkapı Sarayı Library in Istanbul for the permission to examine some exquisite and fragile manuscripts. For dispatching images of related materials, I am grateful to Akbar Irani, head of the Written Heritage Research Center, Stefan Kamola in the Princeton University, Ami Potter in the Yale University Art Gallery, Elaine Wright in the Chester Beatty Library, Jochen Sokoly, Abbas Hossaini, and such collections as Minneapolis Institute of Arts, Nelson-Atkins Museum of Art, Aga Khan Museum, Cincinnati Art Museum, Freer and Sackler Galleries, Harvard Art Museums, Metropolitan Museum of Art, Dallas Museum of Art and Keir Collection. This research was made possible by the financial support of such organizations as “The Iranian Ministry of Science, Research and Technology”, “The German Academic Exchange Service” (DAAD STIBET-Doktorandenprogramm), and the Oxford-based “Barakat Trust Foundation” (Travel Grant 2014–15). The Shahnama Centre for Persian Studies at Pembroke College, Cambridge, generously supported the acquisition of the images vital for my study. However, warmest thanks of all go to my wife who has been enduringly supportive over the years.

Figures and Tables Figures 1 2

The imprint of Shahrukh’s library seal 26 A folio from a copy of universal history written by Hafiz-i Abru and Rashid al-Din, MSS 5–11575, fol. 406a 61 3 Different types of calligraphy in Hazine 1653 and the dispersed manuscript 71 4 The colophons of Hazine 1653 73 5 The initial shamsa of Hazine 1653 on folio 1a 76 6 Portraits and headgears 115 7 Sitting human beings 116 8 Human figures in standing position 117 9 Angels 118 10 Architectural forms 119 11 Rocks 121 12 Clouds and flames 122 13 Plants 123 14 Tree species 125 15 Animals 126 16 Warriors and battles 128 17 Personages sitting on thrones and chairs 130 18 “The prophet Salih brings forth a camel out of a rock,” detail of folio 1b from the Arabic copy of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh 143 19 “Abraham in the fire,” detail of folio 3b from the Arabic copy of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh 147 20 “Abraham sacrifices his son,” detail of folio 328b from Iskandar Sultan’s anthology 153 21 “Moses and the Israelites watch the Egyptians drown in the sea,” detail of folio 8b from the Arabic copy of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh 171 22 “Moses and Korah,” detail of folio 9a from the Arabic copy of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh 178 23 “Moses and the giant ʿUj,” detail of folio 9b from the Arabic copy of Rashid al-Din’s Jamiʿ al-tawarikh 184 24 “Moses and the giant ʿUj,” folio 199a from a copy of ʿAja‌ʾib al-makhluqat wa ghara‌ʾib al-mawjudat 186 25 “Jonah and the whale,” detail of folio 23b from the Arabic copy of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh 200

figures and tables 26 27 28 Cat. 1

Cat. 2-1

Cat. 2-2

Cat. 3

Cat. 4

Cat. 5-1

Cat. 5-2

Cat. 6

Cat. 7

Cat. 8

xiii

“Discovery of the well at Zamzam,” detail of folio 41a from the Arabic copy of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh 204 “Birth of the Prophet Muhammad,” detail of folio 42a from the Arabic copy of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh 208 “Muhammad’s call to prophecy and the first revelation,” detail of folio 45b from the Arabic copy of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh 211 “Adam orders Abel and Cain to sacrifice,” detail of folio 9a from a copy of Majmaʿ al-tawarikh, opaque watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Herat, ca. 1428. Topkapı Sarayı Library (Hazine 1653) 133 “The ark of Noah,” detail of folio 12a from a copy of Majmaʿ al-tawarikh, opaque watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Herat, ca. 1428. Topkapı Sarayı Library (Hazine 1653) 140 “The ark of Noah,” a folio from the dispersed manuscript of universal history, opaque watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Herat, ca. 1428. The David Collection, accession number: 8/2005 141 “The prophet Salih brings forth a camel out of a rock,” a folio from the dispersed manuscript of universal history, opaque watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Herat, ca. 1428. Cincinnati Art Museum, accession number: 1947.502.3 144 “Abraham in the fire,” detail of folio 31b from a copy of Majmaʿ al-tawarikh, opaque watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Herat, ca. 1428. Topkapı Sarayı Library (Hazine 1653) 149 “Abraham sacrifices his son,” detail of folio 35b from a copy of Majmaʿ al-tawarikh, opaque watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Herat, ca. 1428. Topkapı Sarayı Library (Hazine 1653) 154 “Abraham sacrifices his son,” a folio from the dispersed manuscript of universal history, opaque watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Herat, ca. 1428. Walters Art Museum, Baltimore MD, accession number: W.676Aa 155 “The prophet Jacob and his twelve sons,” detail of folio 38b from a copy of Majmaʿ al-tawarikh, opaque watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Herat, ca. 1428. Topkapı Sarayı Library (Hazine 1653) 159 “Joseph before the women of Egypt,” detail of folio 41b from a copy of Majmaʿ al-tawarikh, opaque watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Herat, ca. 1428. Topkapı Sarayı Library (Hazine 1653) 162 “The prophet Job lying under a tree,” a folio from the dispersed manuscript of universal history, opaque watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Herat, ca. 1428. Brooklyn Museum, New York NY, accession number: 88.27 165

xiv Cat. 9

Cat. 10

Cat. 11

Cat. 12-1

Cat. 12-2

Cat. 13-1

Cat. 13-2

Cat. 14

Cat. 15

Cat. 16

Cat. 17

figures and tables “Moses prevailing over Pharaoh,” a folio from the dispersed manuscript of universal history, opaque watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Herat, ca. 1428. The Minneapolis Institute of Arts, Minneapolis MN, accession number: 51.37.25 169 “Moses and the Israelites watch the Egyptians drown in the sea,” a folio from the dispersed manuscript of universal history, opaque watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Herat, ca. 1428. The Keir Collection of Islamic Art on loan to the Dallas Museum of Art 173 “Moses orders the Israelites to sacrifice a cow,” detail of folio 58b from a copy of Majmaʿ al-tawarikh, opaque watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Herat, ca. 1428. Topkapı Sarayı Library (Hazine 1653) 176 “Moses and Korah,” detail of folio 59b from a copy of Majmaʿ al-tawarikh, opaque watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Herat, ca. 1428. Topkapı Sarayı Library (Hazine 1653) 180 “Moses and Korah,” a folio from the dispersed manuscript of universal history, opaque watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Herat, ca. 1428. L.A. Mayer Museum for Islamic Art, Israel, MS 47–69 181 “Moses striking the giant ʿUj’s ankle,” detail of folio 62a from a copy of Majmaʿ al-tawarikh, opaque watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Herat, ca. 1428. Topkapı Sarayı Library (Hazine 1653) 188 “Moses striking the giant ʿUj’s ankle,” a folio from the dispersed manuscript of universal history, opaque watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Herat, ca. 1428. Cincinnati Art Museum, accession number: 1947.501 189 “Solomon among demons, fairies, wildlife, and birds,” detail of folio 71a from a copy of Majmaʿ al-tawarikh, opaque watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Herat, ca. 1428. Topkapı Sarayı Library (Hazine 1653) 194 “Jesus brings back to life Shem, the son of Noah,” a folio from the dispersed manuscript of universal history, opaque watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Herat, ca. 1428. Freer and Sackler Galleries, accession number: S1986.132 197 “Jonah and the whale,” a folio from the dispersed manuscript of universal history, opaque watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Herat, ca. 1428. Metropolitan Museum of Art, accession number: 57.51.37.4 202 “Excavation of the well at Zamzam,” a folio from the dispersed manuscript of universal history, opaque watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Herat, ca. 1428. The Keir Collection of Islamic Art on loan to the Dallas Museum of Art 205

figures and tables Cat. 18

Cat. 19-1

Cat. 19-2

Cat. 20

“Birth of the Prophet Muhammad,” a folio from the dispersed manuscript of universal history, opaque watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Herat, ca. 1428. Freer and Sackler Galleries, accession number: F2005.5 209 “Muhammad’s call to prophecy and the first revelation,” detail of folio 154a from a copy of Jamiʿ al-tawarikh, opaque watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Herat, ca. 1428. Topkapı Sarayı Library (Hazine 1653) 212 “Muhammad’s call to prophecy and the first revelation,” a folio from the dispersed manuscript of universal history, opaque watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Herat, ca. 1428. Metropolitan Museum of Art, accession number: 57.51.37.3 213 “The Prophet Muhammad converts Abu Bakr,” (painting, recto; text, verso), folio from a manuscript of the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh, opaque watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Herat, ca. 1428, Harvard Art Museums/Arthur M. Sackler Museum, Bequest of Abby Aldrich Rockefeller, accession number: 1960.184 216

Tables 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

Some of the surviving codices, which were not produced for Shahrukh but carry the imprints of his library seal 27 The surviving illustrated manuscripts produced or refurbished under Shahrukh’s commission 30 The surviving unillustrated manuscripts produced under Shahrukh’s commission 31 Insertion of folios of the Divided manuscript into Hazine 1653 and the dispersed manuscript 84 List of some of the known inserted papers in the dispersed manuscript 97 Reconstruction of the illustration cycle of the known folios of the dispersed manuscript 100 List of some the known intact illustrated folios of the Chinese history in the dispersed manuscript 106 Direct influences of the compositions of the Arabic copy (the Edinburgh fragment) on the Shahrukhi illustrations of Hazine 1653 and the dispersed manuscript 112

Introduction The present study aims to discuss the illustrations to some important historical manuscripts commissioned by the Timurid ruler Shahrukh (r. 1405–1447) in the beginning of the fifteenth century. The bibliophile character of Shahrukh and his patronage of historical, religious, poetical and scientific books in Herat are well known. During Shahrukh’s reign, book production was an important device to support dynastic claims, representing one of the most significant portrayals of his tendencies. Among the extant illustrated books produced or refurbished under his patronage eight manuscripts can be identified, of which five are historical, two are poetical, and one is religious in content. All these books constitute a base for this research on a group of paintings existing in two of these manuscripts, which are universal chronicles. As a staunch “renewer” (mujaddid) of Sunni Islam, Shahrukh commanded his court historiographer, Hafiz-i Abru (d. 1430) to compose a series of historical and historico-geographical works. Hafiz-i Abru was also charged to complete several fragmentary manuscripts of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh (“Compendium of Chronicles”), which had been produced under the patronage of their author Rashid al-Din Fadl-Allah Hamadani (d. 1318) in the first decade of the fourteenth century.1 Both the text and the images of the fourteenth-century copies of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh served as models for the historical works commissioned by Shahrukh. Therefore, this study will examine the relationships between the codices produced in the Ilkhanid and Timurid workshops. The intentions of their patrons and authors are also questions of great interest. Jamiʿ al-tawarikh is a multi-volume universal history composed by Rashid al-Din, at the request of the Ilkhanid rulers Ghazan Khan (r. 1295–1304) and Uljaytu (r. 1304–17). This work, which is considered to be the “first world history,”2 consists of a history from the time of creation up to the date of its composition. This chronicle was divided into three volumes of unequal length, the last of which is not known to be extant. The first volume is devoted to the history of the Mongols up to the death of Ghazan Khan in 703/1304. The second volume was divided into two parts, in which the first part on the history of Uljaytu is now missing. The second part of the second volume consists of two sections. The first treats the history of the prophets from Adam up to the 1 For the most recent studies on the life and career of Rashid al-Din, see Krawulsky, The Mongol Īlkhāns; and Akasoy et al. (eds.), Rashīd al-Dīn: Agent and mediator. For a detailed study on the life of Rashid al-Din, see Rajabzadeh, Khwaja Rashid al-Din. 2 Boyle, “Dynastic and political history,” 406; Idem, “Rashīd al-Dīn;” and Melville, “Jāmeʿ al-Tawārīḵ,” 462. © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2018 | doi:10.1163/9789004377226_002

Introduction

advent of Islam and the pre-Islamic rulers. The other deals with Islamic history up to the extinction of the ʿAbbasid dynasty, a history of Islamic Persian dynasties, and a history of the non-Mongol peoples of Eurasia including Ughuz Turks, Chinese, Jews, Franks and Indians.3 Rashid al-Din established an enormous multi-functional complex in the northeastern part of Tabriz at the end of the thirteenth century. This complex, which was called Rabʿ-i Rashidi (“Rashid’s Quarter”), comprised a library and scriptorium, a hospital, a khanqah, a caravansary, a guest house, residential facilities, a congregational mosque, and other facilities.4 One of the main purposes of this complex was the transcription of Rashid al-Din’s own works. According to the endowment deed of the Rabʿ-i Rashidi, two copies of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh, one in Persian and the other in Arabic, were to be transcribed yearly.5 Four fragmentary manuscripts of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh produced at the Rabʿ-i Rashidi survive: one in Arabic and three in Persian. All were in the possession of Shahrukh’s library. The Arabic copy consists of two fragments of one manuscript kept in the Khalili Collection in London (MSS 727) and the Edinburgh University Library (Or.MS 20). The three Persian copies are 206 leaves of a manuscript with the inventory number of “Hazine 1653” kept in the Topkapı Sarayı Library; most folios of the manuscript “Hazine 1654” preserved in the same collection; and a hitherto unknown manuscript, which has been divided into two parts and its folios can be found partly in Hazine 1653 and partly in the famous dispersed manuscript of the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh (“Assembly of Chronicles”). All these four manuscripts are fragments of the second part of the second volume of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh, which covers the events from the time of creation up to the extinction of the ʿAbbasid dynasty and sections on the history of the non-Mongol peoples of Eurasia. Since the pre-Islamic part of Hazine 1653 was missing, Hafiz-i Abru replaced the missing part with the first volume of his own Majmaʿ al-tawarikh, which had been composed before. Some years later, similar to the fate of Hazine 1653, a further fourteenth-century fragmentary manuscript of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh was completed that is currently known as the dispersed manuscript. The contents of these two manuscripts are almost identical and thus their pre-Islamic 3 For the contents of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh, see Browne, “Suggestions for a complete edition;” and Melville, “Jāmeʿ al-Tawārīḵ,” 463. 4 For discussions of the Rabʿ-i Rashidi, see Blair, “Ilkhanid architecture;” Idem, “Patterns of patronage;” Hoffmann, “Gates of piety;” Blair, “Writing and illustrating;” Key Nejad & Balali Oskuyi, Baz afarini-yi Rabʿ-i Rashidi; and Ben Azzouna, “Rashīd al-Dīn.” 5 Blair, “Ilkhanid architecture,” 81; Idem, Compendium of chronicles, 14; and Thackston, “Translator’s preface,” xii.

Introduction

sections comprise the first volume of Hafiz-i Abru’s Majmaʿ al-tawarikh and their other sections consist of Rashid al-Din’s Jamiʿ al-tawarikh. These two manuscripts are the only surviving illustrated copies of the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh. To date, no comprehensive description of the dispersed manuscript and the Timurid part of Hazine 1653 has been published, and even the Ilkhanid part of the latter manuscript has never been studied with the care it deserves.6 The present research focuses on the paintings added to these two manuscripts in Shahrukh’s kitabkhana (i.e. royal library cum artists’ workshop) by exemplifying the illustrations to the lives of the prophets from the time of Adam up to the early life of the Prophet Muhammad (before his migration). Finding the reason why the sections on the stories of the prophets are richly illustrated in the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh is one of the purposes of this inquiry. Moreover, the relationship of these illustrations to earlier paintings of historical texts with similar topics will be surveyed and thus some relevant manuscripts such as Hazine 1654, the Arabic codex and Hafiz-i Abru’s Kulliyat-i tarikhi (“Collection of Historical Works” kept in the Topkapı Palace Library with the inventory number “Bağdat 282”) will be examined. This study emerged from more than five years of research in the University of Bamberg and libraries and museums in Europe, Iran and Turkey. It is a result of close examination of original materials in three collections: the Topkapı Sarayı Library in Istanbul (Hazine 1653, Hazine 1654 and Bağdat 282), the David Collection in Copenhagen (dispersed folios of the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh and some other relevant materials) and the Reza Abbasi Museum in Tehran (folios of the dispersed manuscript). Naturally, it was not possible to visit all the discussed materials, which are in the holdings of approximately fifty private and public collections around the world. Among all these collections, the Topkapı Palace Library was the most important for doing this research, especially for the examination of Hazine 1653. The David Collection and the Reza Abbasi Museum were the most accessible collections for examination of the scattered folios. 1

Chapter Summary

Chapter 1, which is mostly based on secondary sources, surveys the political, religious and cultural context of the era in which the fourteenth-century manuscripts of Rashid al-Din were refurbished. It also seeks to study Shahrukh’s personal traits and his intention in preserving and continuing Rashid al-Din’s 6 For the history of research on these manuscripts, see pages 62, 90.

Introduction

works. The studies of foreign relations, the legitimation of the sultan’s rule, and artistic productions help to contextualize Shahrukh’s literary patronage. Chapter 2, which deals with book production in Shahrukh’s workshop, offers a list of some of the known manuscripts imprinted with his library seals and a list of the books produced or refurbished under his patronage. The lists of the books collected or patronized by Shahrukh help us in better understanding of the sultan’s literary taste. The chapter surveys all the known surviving illustrated books produced or refurbished in Shahrukh’s kitabkhana, except for the two copies of the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh, which are the subject of the next chapter. Chapter 3 deals with a discussion of Hafiz-i Abru’s biography, his known works, the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh and the surviving copies of each volume of this comprehensive work. Then the chapter examines Hafiz-i Abru’s stories of the prophets and its relationship with earlier Islamic works titled Qisas al-anbiya‌ʾ (“Stories of the Prophets”). The next part of the chapter focuses on a detailed description of the two extant illustrated manuscripts of the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh: Hazine 1653 and the dispersed manuscript. It tracks down one of the main aims of this inquiry and answers numerous significant questions concerning the travels of these two complicated manuscripts from the early fourteenth century to the twentieth century. By examining these codices, a hitherto unknown manuscript of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh produced at the Rabʿ-i Rashidi has been discovered and thus this chapter introduces this Rashidi manuscript, which is titled the “Divided Manuscript.” The chapter not only surveys the artistic addition of Shahrukh’s kitabkhana to these manuscripts, but also reveals some new aspects of book production in Rashid al-Din’s scriptorium. It analyzes the contents of Hazine 1653 and surveys the artistic additions to it in four different periods: Ilkhanid, Timurid, Safavid and Ottoman. The dispersed manuscript is even more complicated than Hazine 1653, because it carries some later addition miniatures, which are supposed to have been added in a period between the middle of the fifteenth century until the year 1926. Therefore, the subchapter on the dispersed manuscript is divided into two parts, and the Shahrukhi paintings and the later additional ones have been examined separately. The last section of the chapter includes a partial reconstruction of the illustration cycle of the dispersed manuscript. Chapter 4 moves to a discussion of the Shahrukhi illustrations of the dispersed manuscript and Hazine 1653 and analyzes their style. It examines iconographic sources and characteristics of the style, which has been called the “historical style,” and offers a hypothesis for the function of these illustrations.

Introduction

It also analyzes different pictorial elements of this style, and in particular, surveys the two largest groups of subject matter: battlefields and enthronements. Line drawings of the categories of different objects help to distinguish the Shahrukhi style of painting compared with other styles. The Catalogue examines the images of the prophets in Hazine 1653 and the dispersed manuscript. It consists of twenty episodes, of which five episodes are illustrated in both manuscripts while other stories have been painted in only one of them. Therefore, the catalogue focuses on eleven illustrations from Hazine 1653 and fourteen paintings from the dispersed manuscript. It also deals with a range of comparative materials from other manuscripts and in particular, offers descriptive information of the relevant parts of the text in manuscripts produced for Rashid al-Din that cannot be found elsewhere. 2

Note on Appendices, Translation, Transliteration and Dates

Appendix 1 includes an English translation of the illustrated parts of the stories of the prophets from Hafiz-i Abru’s Majmaʿ al-tawarikh and the life of the Prophet Muhammad from Rashid al-Din’s Jamiʿ al-tawarikh. The translation, which consists of twenty accounts, is only based on the original manuscript Hazine 1653, because all these parts of the manuscript are transcribed by Hafiz-i Abru, and there is no major difference with other copies of the text. Qurʾan passages follow the translation by Aminah Assami (“Saheeh International” version of Qurʾan translation). Appendix 2 provides a complete list of all headings and illustrations in Hazine 1653 that is of great importance not only for its assistance in reconstruction of the dispersed manuscript, but also by representing a precise list of the Ilkhanid paintings of the manuscript. Appendices 3 and 4 offer a list of later additional miniatures to the dispersed manuscript that have hitherto been considered as historical paintings from the time of Shahrukh. The system of transliteration followed is that of the International Journal of Middle East Studies (IJMES). For the sake of consistency and simplicity, all foreign words are transcribed without diacritics. The illustrations to the dispersed manuscript and Hazine 1653 are termed “Catalogue” and comparative paintings as well as other pictures are identified as “Figures.” Names of individuals are followed by the years of their death (d.) or regnal years (r.). Dates are given first according to the Islamic calendar (anno Hegirae) and then the Gregorian one (anno Domini).

Chapter 1

The Political and Cultural Setting 1

Political History

The world conqueror, Timur (r. 1370–1405), who integrated different geographical and cultural lands from Anatolia in the west to northern India in the east, founded one of the greatest empires in history. He connected the TurcoMongolian nomadic steppe culture of Transoxiana with the advanced Islamic civilization of Iran. The main reason for Timur’s success in numerous campaigns of expansion was his systematic use of terror and a planned programme of conquest through fear.1 Even though Timur founded the largest army of his time, he was not qualified for supreme rule within the tradition of the Mongol Empire. During the fourteenth century, the people of Central Asia believed only the descendants of Chingiz Khan (r. 1206–1227) could adopt the title of khan and attain sovereign power. Since he was not directly a descendant of Chingiz Khan, he installed a puppet khan from the Chingizid house, and used for himself the title of amir.2 Moreover, in order to strengthen his connection with Chingiz Khan, he married the daughter of the Chaghatayid Khan Qazan. He also married his sons ʿUmar Shaykh (d. 1394), Miranshah (d. 1408) and Shahrukh to Chingizid noble women.3 Timur also declared that he was descended from Alanqua, a mythical Mongol queen whose progeny include Chingiz Khan, and ʿAli ibn Abi Talib (the cousin of the Prophet Muhammad), and with these claims he founded the most powerful dynastic legitimacy in post ʿAbbasid Iran and Central Asia.4 Timur brought artists and craftsmen of every kind from the conquered lands to his capital. Fifteenth-century sources record the large number of artists forcibly transferred to Samarqand from Tabriz, Shiraz, Baghdad, Damascus and Delhi.5 Thus, Timur created a diverse artistic environment in Samarqand, but his own artistic taste reflects his attempt to legitimize his rule. His interests

1 Lentz & Lowry, Timur and the princely vision, 26–27. 2 Manz, “Tamerlane and the symbolism,” 105; and Idem, “Tamerlane’s career,” 3. 3 Lentz & Lowry, Timur and the princely vision, 27. For a complete version of the genealogical chart of the princes of the house of Timur, see Thackston, A century of princes, x–xiv. 4 Lentz & Lowry, Timur and the princely vision, 28; and Woods, “Timur’s genealogy,” 88. 5 Golombek & Wilber, Timurid architecture, vol. 1, 35–37; and Lentz & Lowry, Timur and the princely vision, 45.

The Political and Cultural Setting

in majestic monumental buildings demonstrate his ambitious intentions.6 The theme of the wall paintings in his garden pavilions in Samarqand was his victories, and his only surviving literary commission, which is known to us, Zafarnama (“The Book of Victory”) by Nizam al-Din Shami, magnifies his glory and gallantry.7 After Timur’s death in 807/1405, the vast Timurid empire immediately disintegrated into a number of separate principalities. Despite this, the successors of Timur ruled over large portions of the territory for a long period from 807/1405 to 913/1507. They did not inherit Timur’s military aspiration but the cultural legacy of Timur endured for centuries. Timur’s successors attempted to preserve what he had left, and did not engage in campaigns of expansion. Thus, after some decades of violent warfare between pretenders to the throne, Iran and Central Asia again elapsed into periods of relative calm compared with Timur’s period. Of Timur’s sons, Jahangir had died in 777/1376 and ʿUmar Shaykh in 796/1394. When Timur died, only two of his sons were still alive. The elder, Miranshah, who was about thirty-eight, had been discredited from his governorship.8 The fourth son, Shahrukh, who had been born in 779/1377, appeared to his father to lack the obligatory qualities to rule, perhaps because of his reputation for excessive modesty, and personal piety.9 However, Timur’s criterion for the selection of a successor was based not on personality but on birth, because he chose the progeny of Jahangir, who was the only one of his sons born of a free wife.10 His first choice was Jahangir’s son Muhammad Sultan (d. 1403) whose mother, Khanzada, was descended from Chingiz Khan. After Muhammad Sultan’s death, Timur had chosen another son of Jahangir, Pir Muhammad as his heir, but he did not succeed in gaining the throne and was killed by his own vizier, Pir ʿAli Taz, in 809/1407.

6 Timur was also interested in gigantic pieces of artwork. In some cases, for instance the shrine of Ahmad Yasavi, Timur personally determined the size of the buildings. For another example, he did not approve a copy of the Qurʾan, which was presented to him, because of its small size. Ibid., 44–45. 7 O’Kane, Timurid architecture, 6; and Lentz & Lowry, Timur and the princely vision, 32–33. 8 Probably because of the inferior social status of Miranshah’s mother, who was a concubine and a child of a domestic slave, he was not chosen as Timur’s successor. The later Timurid historians mention that Miranshah suffered from mental trouble as the result of a fall from his horse in 798/1397. Then he had injudicious military actions and became rebellious. Khwandmir, Habib al-siyar, vol. 3, 481–82; and Woods, “Turco-Iranica II,” 333–34. 9 Roemer, “Successors of Tīmūr,” 99. 10 I am indebted to Beatrice Forbes Manz for illuminating me on this matter. See Woods, “Timur’s genealogy,” 112–13; and Manz, Power, politics and religion, 16–17.

Chapter 1

Timur’s appointment left a terrifying dilemma for his heirs. In such an atmosphere, almost all Timur’s grandsons who had reached their early twenties aimed to increase their power and struggled against each other. Their quarrelsomeness benefited Shahrukh, the governor of Khurasan at Herat, who was able to restore control over his province. Moreover, he extended his domains and acquired Gurgan and Mazandaran in 809/1406–7. Like the other feudal princes, when Shahrukh learnt about Timur’s death, he substituted his name for Timur’s both in the khutba (i.e. public preaching on formal occasions in Islamic tradition) and on the coins. Meanwhile, Khalil Sultan (d. 1411), a son of Miranshah who was previously a governor of Farghana, conquered Samarqand, the capital of Timur, and was proclaimed sultan. Shortly afterwards, Khalil Sultan’s actions provoked general discontent in Samarqand and set the stage for his downfall.11 In 811/1409, Shahrukh took up arms and easily entered Samarqand. Khalil Sultan surrendered himself to Shahrukh and became governor of Ray, where he died in 814/1411. Shahrukh appointed his eldest son, Ulugh Beg (1394–1449), governor of Transoxiana with his seat of ruling in Samarqand and then retired to Herat. Let us address the question of the reason for Shahrukh’s decision to move the capital and his preference for Herat over Samarqand. Two answers to this question are given by Beatrice Forbes Manz, and Maria Eva Subtelny and Anas B. Khalidov. Manz believes that Transoxiana even during the reign of Timur was a border province and vulnerable to attack. Although it had a central location in the administration of Timur’s empire, most of his conquered lands laid to the south and west of Samarqand. Thus, Herat held a safer place with closer access to the bulk of the troops garrisoned throughout Iran.12 Subtelny and Khalidov have argued that this transfer was a conscious shift from Transoxiana towards Khurasan that was the ancient centre of Islamic sciences. Herat was known as Qubbat al-Islam (“The Dome of Islam”) and Shahrukh as the restorer of Islam earned the title Padishah-i Islam (“The Emperor of Islam”).13

11 Concerning the reason for the downfall of Khalil Sultan, Khwandmir says that his wife, Shad Mulk was from low rank and Timur had ordered her assassination. Now Khalil Sultan’s amirs could not bear the powerful influence permitted to his wife, which led to the destruction of Timur’s royal treasures. Khwandmir, Habib al-siyar, vol. 3, 551–52. See also Roemer, “Successors of Tīmūr,” 100. Moreover, Beatrice Forbes Manz has argued that Timur had removed the aboriginal armies of Transoxiana and what remained there were largely troops from other lands with little loyalty to the dynasty. Therefore, partly for this reason, Khalil Sultan failed to keep it. Manz, “Temür and the problem,” 32. 12 Ibid., 32. 13 Subtelny & Khalidov, “Curriculum,” 211–12.

The Political and Cultural Setting

Despite the fact that Shahrukh was not the designated successor, he succeeded in acquiring Timur’s realm, and ruling over almost all of it for four decades.14 The disobedience of his nephew Bayqara (d. ca. 1423) a son of ʿUmar Shaykh, led him to undertake a campaign to Fars in 817/1414. Two years later, he conquered the province of Kerman, where Sultan Uvays had ruled independently since 811/1408. Therefore, not long after the downfall of Khalil Sultan, in a single year envoys presented themselves from the lands of the Uzbeks, Qipchaq steppes, Hazarjarib, Shirvan, Garmsir, Sari, Firuzkuh and Qandahar.15 The major unresolved problem during four decades of Shahrukh’s reign was the threat of the Turkmens in Azarbaijan. Shahrukh was obliged to assert his sovereignty through three campaigns to north-west Persia but never achieved more than temporary success. In 809/1406, Qara Yusuf of the Qara Quyunlu (the Black Sheep Turkmen confederation) defeated Abu Bakr a son of Miranshah, and two years later, Abu Bakr was killed in a second battle. In 813/1410, Qara Yusuf defeated Sultan Ahmad Jalayir (r. 1382–1410) who had attempted to reconquer Tabriz and killed him. Thus, he acquired Baghdad, Diyarbakr, Georgia, Sava, Qazvin and Sultaniya. He received allegiance of the Aq Quyunlu (the White Sheep Turkmen confederation), and in 822/1419, he founded the dynasty of Qara Quyunlu, the hazardous neighbour to the west of Timurid realm. In 823/1420, the army of Shahrukh in the first campaign to Azarbaijan entered Sultaniya, where Shahrukh learned that Qara Yusuf had died. Hence, the Timurid troops occupied Azarbaijan and Armenia easily. In 832/1429, Shahrukh resolved upon his second campaign against Iskandar, a son of Qara Yusuf, who had seized Sultaniya with the intention to reestablish Qara Quyunlu power. Shahrukh defeated Iskandar in a battle near Tabriz and appointed a Qara Quyunlu prince named Abu Saʿid as the governor of Azarbaijan. Two years later, Iskandar again occupied Tabriz and executed Abu Saʿid. Once again, in 838/1434, Shahrukh was obliged to move to Azarbaijan and entered Tabriz unopposed. He installed Jahanshah, a younger brother of Iskandar as the Timurid governor. Shortly before his death, in Ramadan 850/December 1446, Shahrukh with the encouragement of his wife Gawharshad (d. 1457) marched to Fars to suppress his rebellious grandson Sultan Muhammad (d. 1452) the son of Baysunghur. Sultan Muhammad escaped to Luristan and his supporters were executed by Shahrukh in Sava. Three months later, on 25 Dhul-Hijja 850/22 March 1447, Shahrukh, who had been weakened with age, died on the first day of nawruz at 14 For a map of Shahrukh’s territory, see Melville, “Itineraries of Shāhrukh,” fig. 1. 15 Roemer, “Successors of Tīmūr,” 101–2.

Chapter 1

Ray. In sum, the chronology of the major events of Shahrukh’s reign has been summarized by Ghiyath al-Din Khwandmir (d. 1534) as follows: Khaqan-i Saʿid [Shahrukh] was born on Thursday 14 Rabiʿ al-Akhir 779/28 August 1377. In 799/1396–97, Sahib-Qiran (“lord of the fortunate conjunction”) [Timur], the crown-generous, handed over the regality of the land of Khurasan under his governance. After the death of his majesty, in the month of Ramadan 807/March 1405, the supreme king managed the affairs of the dominion and wealth of Khurasan independently, and the khutba and coins were decorated with his holy name. In 809/1406–7, he conquered Mazandaran. At the end of the year 811/1409, the moon of his victory shone in the land of Transoxiana (Ma wara al-nahr). In 817/1414– 15, the territory of Fars was attached to his kingdom. In 819/1416–17, the supreme king conquered the province of Kerman. In 823/1420, Qara Yusuf died and the conquest of Azerbaijan took place. At the end of the month of Rajab of the same year [August 1420], a battle occurred between him and Iskandar ibn Qara Yusuf and he defeated Iskandar. On Friday, 23 Rabiʿ II 830/2 March 1427, a wretched person named Ahmad struck a dagger to the body of his majesty in the Jamiʿ mosque of Herat. Ahmad was killed at the very moment, and the physician saved his majesty from the wound. The territories of Khurasan, Balkh, Badakhshan, Transoxiana, Turkistan, Zabulistan, Sistan, Gurgan, Mazandaran, Iraq, Fars and Azarbaijan were under occupation of the world conqueroring khaqan.16 2

The Legitimation of Shahrukh’s Rule

Timur presented himself as an equal to Chingiz Khan and renewer of the Mongol traditions, and a supreme Muslim ruler who fights for the faith.17 In addition, he claimed supernatural power, and here he went beyond the usual Islamic tradition.18 His successors, in addition to maintaining their connection with Mongol and Islamic traditions, had to invent a new legitimation based on descent from Timur.19 However, the main difficulty for Timur’s successors was his appointment of an incompetent heir, Pir Muhammad, who was unable to succeed to the throne. Therefore, all princes competing for power 16 Khwandmir, Habib al-siyar, vol. 3, 553–54. 17 Manz, “Tamerlane and the symbolism,” 110–11; and Idem, “Family and ruler,” 57. 18 Manz, “Tamerlane and the symbolism,” 118. 19 Manz, “Family and ruler,” 58.

The Political and Cultural Setting

like Khalil Sultan, Shahrukh and Iskandar Sultan (d. 1415) the son of ʿUmar Shaykh claimed to be upholding Timur’s testament.20 Shahrukh’s court historiographer, Hafiz-i Abru, who had been a member of Timur’s retinue, in his continuation of Nizam al-Din Shami’s Zafarnama has written an account of Timur’s testament. Hafiz-i Abru did not mention Timur’s appointment of Pir Muhammad, instead declaring that Shahrukh was the designated successor.21 The successors of Timur portrayed him as the founder of the dynasty who even had outdone Chingiz Khan. In addition, they displayed an increased interest in his genealogy in relation to the lineage of Chingiz Khan.22 Therefore, the Chingizid connections again played a significant role in defining legitimacy, but their difference was the replacement of the old legal connective devices, such as installation of the figurehead khans, with genealogical and historical connections.23 During the reign of Shahrukh, almost all princely courts produced a genealogical or historical work including the lineage of Chingiz Khan and his progeny.24 These genealogical works emphasised the Barlas origin of the Timurid dynasty. Barlas was the name of Timur’s confederation, which shared ancestry with the imperial clan of Chingiz Khan. The most ambitious of these genealogical works, Muʿizz al-ansab (“The Glorifier of Genealogies”), was presented to Shahrukh in 830/1426–27. The Muʿizz al-ansab, which was based on Rashid al-Din’s Shuʿab-i panjgana (“The Fivefold Branches”), consists of the genealogy of the Chingizid house and the Barlas tribe.25 Shahrukh was well aware of the importance of historical books for the legitimacy of his rule. His main literary patronage was the preservation and continuation of the genealogical and historical works of Rashid al-Din. He had at least four early fourteenth-century manuscripts of Rashid al-Din’s Jamiʿ al-tawarikh in his possession.26 These manuscripts, which had been produced under the patronage of the eighth Ilkhan Uljaytu and his vizier Rashid al-Din, served as a device to connect the Timurids with the previous Ilkhanid sultanates in Iran. 20 Ibid., 58–60. 21 Ibid., 59. 22 Ibid., 64. Hafiz-i Abru in his Majmaʿ al-tawarikh gave the date of Timur’s birth 736/1336, the date of the death of the last Ilkhan, Abu Saʿid. Beatrice Forbes Manz argues that perhaps this was an invented date, trying to place the Timurids as successors to the Ilkhanids. Ibid., 64. 23 Ibid., 64. 24 For the genealogical works produced under the patronage of Timur’s successors, see Ibid., 65–68. 25 Ibid., 65; and Manz, Power, politics and religion, 42. For the studies of Muʿizz al-ansab, see Quinn, “Muʿizz al-ansāb;” Ando, Timuridische Emire; and Sultanov, “Muʿizz al-ansāb.” 26 For a detailed discussion of these manuscripts (the Arabic codex, Hazine 1653, Hazine 1654 and “Divided Manuscript”), see pages 35–39, 62–89 of the present study.

Chapter 1

Rashid al-Din’s Jamiʿ al-tawarikh, especially its first volume on the Mongol history and the descendants of Chingiz Khan, would have been of great significance to both Timur and Shahrukh. The importance of this volume, which is titled Tarikh-i mubarak-i Ghazani (“The Blessed History of Ghazan”), is evident from the fact that at least two copies of it were produced for Shahrukh. The first is an illustrated copy that is housed in the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris (Suppl. pers. 1113), and the second is an unillustrated manuscript kept in the British Library (MS. Add. 7628).27 Moreover, as will be shown in Chapter 3, among the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh manuscripts produced for Shahrukh, there is a certain emphasis on the subchapter on the history of Ughuz Turks compared with other parts on the histories of the non-Mongol peoples of Eurasia. Timur presented himself as another Chingiz Khan and at the same time, he invoked the Ilkhanids as his predecessors. Based on the earliest Timurid chronicles, he carried out his campaigns in the name of padishah-i Islam, which was the title of Ghazan Khan.28 Now Shahrukh applied this Ilkhanid title as his official appellation and developed the Timurid-Ilkhanid linkage. Hence, he portrayed himself as a rightful Islamic successor to the legitimate Ilkhanid rulers. Meanwhile, in the western part of his territory, his sultanate was considered as ilkhani.29 For the legitimacy of his rule, Shahrukh preserved both the Chaghatayid and the Ilkhanid connections that his father had promoted, but since his capital was more central, he presented himself more strictly as a heritor of the Ilkhanids.30 Shahrukh’s adoption of the title of Ghazan Khan, padishah-i Islam, is meaningful. Ghazan Khan, who had maintained the Mongol traditions, was also presented as a renewer of Islam and in the words of Rashid alDin, “Another Abraham – a man breaking with the traditions of his ancestors to found a new religious order.”31 Shahrukh also imitated Ghazan Khan in his symbolic action of sending a cover for the Kaʿba and his attempt to gain influence in the holy cities.32 Historical sources give no description of Timur’s relations with Shahrukh. Its reason may be partly for Shahrukh’s abandonment of the Chingizid yasa (i.e. secret written code of law), and manifestation of the Islamic shariʿa during 27 For these manuscripts, see pages 31, 41–42. 28 Woods, “Timur’s genealogy,” 105; Melville, “Pādshāh-i Islām,” 171–72; and Manz, “Temür and the problem,” 36. 29 Manz, “Shāh Rukh,” 198; and Idem, “Temür and the problem,” 37. 30 Manz, “Mongol history,” 143. 31 Ibid., 144. 32 For a discussion of the efforts of the Ilkhanid and Timurid rulers to send a cover for the Kaʿba, see Melville, “Year of the elephant,” 202–4; and Manz, “Mongol history,” 145–46.

The Political and Cultural Setting

his father’s lifetime.33 Shahrukh updated his father’s legitimation for his own purpose, showing less interest in the Chingizid concepts of sovereign power. In contrast to his father, Shahrukh abandoned the institution of the figurehead khan, and replaced the Mongol tribunals (yarghu) with the Islamic shariʿa courts. However, he did not abandon all the Turco-Mongol traditions and maintained his Chaghatayid identity. Despite the fact that his divan adopted the highly acculturated Iranian system of bureaucratic administration, the use of the Turkic language in both the chancery and manuscript production was retained.34 Though he had wed Malikat Agha, the daughter of a Chingizid prince and the widow of his brother ʿUmar Shaykh, he did not marry any of his sons to Chingizid women. He did not utilize the title guregen (son-in-law) for official correspondence, which was used by Timur and later by Ulugh Beg.35 Although Timur did not use the titles khan or khaqan, Shahrukh applied the Islamic and Iranian equivalents of these titles, sultan and padishah. In coinage, library seals and book dedications, his name appears with the title al-sultan al-aʿzam (“The Greatest Sultan”) and the Turco-Mongol epithet bahadur (hero) accorded him by Timur. Although he was unable to claim the title of caliph, the term khilafat (caliphate) was used in the coins struck at Herat from 812/1409–10 until at least 823/1420.36 3

Foreign Relations

Shahrukh’s policy of development and reconstruction of Herat, especially the rebuilding of the bazaars of the city, provided a strong economy.37 He promoted commercial and political relations with the neighbouring lands, and the 33 Barthold, Ulugh-Beg, 37. The official abandonment of the Turco-Mongol customary laws occurred in Dhu al-Qaʿda 813/February-March 1411 soon after his designation of Herat as the capital. Subtelny, “Cult of ʿAbdullāh Anṣārī,” 380; and Binbaş, Intellectual networks, 263. For detailed arguments of the Chingizid yasa, see Morgan, “Great ‘yāsā’;” Ayalon, “Great yāsa;” and Jackson, “Yāsā.” 34 Subtelny, “Jews of the world,” 55. 35 Lentz & Lowry, Timur and the princely vision, 74; Woods, “Timur’s genealogy,” 116; and Manz, “Temür and the problem,” 36. 36 “Al-sultan al-aʿzam amir Shahrukh bahadur khallada Allah mulkahu wa khilafatahu.” Komaroff, “Epigraphy of Timurid coinage,” 217. After this date, even though the word “caliphate” was removed from the coinage, in later architectural inscriptions it continued with the phrases: “the asylum of the caliphate” and “may the fortress of his sultanate and caliphate be strengthened.” O’Kane, Timurid architecture, 10. 37 Ibid., 5; and Lentz & Lowry, Timur and the princely vision, 106.

Chapter 1

rulers of the Aq Quyunlu, India, Hurmuz, and at the beginning of his reign, the Ottoman sultans paid homage to him.38 Shahrukh and his provincial princes exchanged several diplomatic letters with the Ottoman sultans.39 His attempts to assert predominance over the Mamluk sultans caused increasing enmity until the advent of the sultan Jaqmaq (r. 1438–1453), after which the relations were amicable though equal.40 Shahrukh’s commercial and political relations with the Chinese empire, in which his son Ulugh Beg as a governor of Samarqand was also involved, are famous. Shahrukh established a good relationship with the Ming emperor Yung-lo (r. 1360–1424) and before the latter’s death, Shahrukh and Ulugh Beg exchanged twenty embassies with China.41 Shahrukh released the Chinese envoys, who had detained by his father, and sought to trade with the Chinese. The Ming emperor, in turn, promoted his relations with the Timurids and “dealt with Shahrukh as his equal, not as a vassal.”42 Yung-lo in his letter highly praised Shahrukh as “greater than all the Muslims,” declaring “envoys and merchants should constantly come and go, and there should be no interruption.”43 The Ming emperor dispatched several embassies to Herat, Samarqand, Bukhara, Isfahan and Shiraz, including three led by Ch’en Ch’eng, with gifts of silver, porcelains, silks, brocades and falcons. The envoys of Shahrukh and his provincial governors, in turn, offered horses, sheep, camels, jade and native products.44 In 823/1420, the greatest Timurid embassy, consisting of two-hundred representatives of Shahrukh and 310 envoys from other provincial courts, arrived in Khanbaliq (present-day Beijing). Headed by the painter-chronicler Ghiyath alDin Naqqash, the group stayed in Beijing for six months.45 The emperor Yunglo honoured Shahrukh’s envoys with lavish banquets and reciprocated with paper money and silk products. Ghiyath al-Din provided a detailed account of this embassy that has been preserved by Hafiz-i Abru.46 On the other hand, 38 Manz, “Shāh Rukh,” 197. 39 For the exchanged letters of Shahrukh and other Timurid princes with the Ottoman sultans, see Nava’i, Asnad va mukatibat, 163–66, 174–78, 182–97, 202–7, 215–17, 224–54, 258–70. 40 Manz, “Shāh Rukh,” 197. 41 Rossabi, China and Inner Asia, 32; and Idem, “Two Ming envoys,” 28. 42 Rossabi, China and Inner Asia, 31. 43 Ibid., 31–32. For the letters of Shahrukh and the Ming emperor, see Nava’i, Asnad va mukatibat, 131–40. 44 For a discussion of tribute missions between the Timurids and the Ming emperor more generally, see Rossabi, “Two Ming envoys;” Kauz, “Gift exchange;” and Roxburgh, “‘Journal’ of Ghiyath al-Din.” 45 Rossabi, “Two Ming envoys,” 27; and Kauz, Politik und Handel, 136–38. 46 For the account of this embassy, see Hafiz-i Abru, A Persian embassy; and for a detailed study of Ghiyath al-Din’s account, see Roxburgh, “‘Journal’ of Ghiyath al-Din.”

The Political and Cultural Setting

Ch’en Ch’eng wrote a description of Herat during his stay in the city that is an important source for Timurid specialists.47 In the years after 1425, banditry reduced the number of the embassies, although in 1432 the Chinese Emperor asked Shahrukh to protect his merchants: “May the tradesmen of our country trade and traffic as they like. Will that not be an excellent thing?”48 Fifteenth-century sources also record the suzerain relations between Shahrukh and the Delhi sultanate. In 1411, Khizr Khan (r. 1414–21) who had occupied the western region of India, dispatched the qadi of Multan as an envoy to Shahrukh. The envoy declared Khizr Khan’s loyalty to Shahrukh and told him that the khutba was recited in India in Shahrukh’s name.49 Afterwards, Khizr Khan, who was unable to defend himself against a possible invasion by Shahrukh, sent a rich tribute to Herat, asking Shahrukh to provide a khutba in such a way that his own name also appear in it, otherwise the Indian people would get annoyed.50 The khutba with the names of Shahrukh and Khizr Khan was dispatched to Delhi, and it was recited in the presence of Shahrukh’s envoy in the Jamiʿ mosque of Delhi.51 The successors of Khizr Khan, Mubarak Shah (r. 1421–34) and Mahmud Shah (r. 1434–43) also never ignored Shahrukh and exchanged several political and commercial embassies with the Timurid capital.52 In continuation of these relations, the embassy of the Samudri Raja of Calicut came to the court of Shahrukh. According to ʿAbd al-Razzaq Samarqandi, this embassy was sent “to say that in his port [Calicut] in the Friday prayer and the holiday prayer, the khutba of Islam was recited, and if his majesty [Shahrukh] would allow it, they would recite the khutba in his royal name.”53 Thus, Shahrukh dispatched ʿAbd al-Razzaq as an envoy to India in Ramadan 845/ January 1442. The account of ʿAbd al-Razzaq’s voyage, which lasted for three years, has been inserted in his Matlaʿ al-saʿdayn (“The Rising of the Auspicious Twin-Stars”).54 47 For a discussion of Ch’en Ch’eng’s mission and his description of Herat, see Hecker, “Fifteenth-century.” 48 O’Kane, Timurid architecture, 5. 49 Siddīquī, “Influence and prestige,” 105. 50 Ibid., 106. 51 Ibid., 106–7. For the Shahrukh’s epistle to Khizr Khan and the khutba, see Nava’i, Asnad va mukatibat, 143–45. 52 Siddīquī, “Influence and prestige,” 107–9. 53 Alam & Subrahmanyam, Indo-Persian travels, 62–64. 54 For the translation of ʿAbd al-Razzaq’s account, see Thackston, A century of princes, 299–321. For discussions of ʿAbd al-Razzaq’s mission, see Alam and Subrahmanyam, Indo-Persian travels, 54–82; and Mashayikh Firaydani, “Safir-i Shahrukh.” For a study of Shahrukh’s foreign relations more generally, see Sasanpur, “Ravabit-i khariji.”

Chapter 1

As will be shown in Chapter 3, examination of the manuscripts refurbished or produced under Shahrukh’s patronage reveals that at the end of the fourteenth century, by the shift of capital eastward from Tabriz to Herat, relations with the West lost their importance. On the other hand, as these manuscripts show, among the peoples of other nations, the Ughuz Turks and Chinese had more importance for the Timurid capital. 4

Personal Traits of Shahrukh

Although some aspects of Shahrukh’s character are in clear contrast to the pitilessness of his father, there is no definite proof to consider him as a highly skilled statesman, and even there are disagreements about his character among modern historians.55 In contrast to his father, Shahrukh was much more willing to share power, and as a result, the provincial courts became more powerful.56 At the royal court of Herat, his principal wife, Gawharshad, had stronger influence on the state than the ruler himself.57 It seems that the stability of the government was due to the correct choice of capable chief dignitaries and their long tenure of office.58 Although the first two chief emirs of Shahrukh rebelled against him and were executed, their successor, Jalal al-Din Firuzshah retained his office for thirty-five years. Moreover, the supreme secretary, Ghiyath al-Din Pir ʿAli Khwafi served for thirty-one years, and the financial vizier, Amir Alika Kukiltash held his post for forty-three years. Shahrukh as a staunch follower of Sunni orthodoxy disregarded the affairs of the military, and as a result, his chief amir had a free hand in the administration of the palace and the army.59 Unlike his father, Shahrukh was not expansionist and he expended his power in defending the borders of his territory. He was a “cautious ruler” who undertook military expeditions only when he recognized their necessity and the assurance of his army’s supremacy and of local alliances.60

55 Roemer, “Successors of Tīmūr,” 104. 56 Manz, Power, politics and religion, 13. 57 Barthold, Ulugh-Beg, 84; and Roemer, “Successors of Tīmūr,” 104. Gawharshad was a daughter of the Chaghatayid noble Ghiyath al-Din Tarkhan, and her lineage helped the legitimacy of Shahrukh’s rule. Her abilities in political affairs made her one of the most impressive personalities of the period. Lentz & Lowry, Timur and the princely vision, 106. 58 Roemer, “Successors of Tīmūr,” 104. 59 Barthold, Ulugh-Beg, 84. 60 Manz, “Shāh Rukh,” 197.

The Political and Cultural Setting

Shahrukh’s bigotry in religious affairs and his fervent adherence to the shariʿa is well-known. Contemporary sources display a favourable overall picture of Shahrukh and portray him as “the supporter of the precincts of the truth, the universe, and the faith.”61 A story told by Taj al-Din Salmani, the court historian of Shahrukh, reflects the sultan’s pious character. He records: When the mother of the righteous, the triumphant and the deceased sultan Sanjar had died,62 the sultan [Shahrukh] ordered that a prayer leader should perform the funerary prayer who never missed any prescribed prayer since the time of maturity. Wherever the grandees of the time searched, they found no one who could undertake the matter and make a true claim. They told the matter to the sultan. As it was discovered that nobody had such trait in the community, he ordered to bring a prayer carpet. He performed the prayer as an imam and the community followed his example. It became apparent that he had postponed no prayer at the time of execution for subsequent performance.63 Another anecdote is narrated by Ghiyath al-Din Khwandmir presenting Shahrukh’s ostentatious display of piety. Khwandmir records that during the reconquest of Tabriz from Qara Yusuf in 823/1420, Shahrukh ordered the Qurʾan reciters to recite the sura of Fath (“Victory”) twelve thousand times.64 Moreover, in his Habib al-siyar (“The Beloved of Biographies”), Khwandmir exaggeratedly portrayed Shahrukh as an infallible man: Khaqan-i Saʿid, Mirza Shahrukh was a fortunate king, endowed with the virtues of fairness and devoutness. He combined in himself the bravery of Rustam and the piety of Ibrahim-i Adham. Even the thought of overstepping from the right path did not enter into his luminous mind. During the lifetime of the emperor of Islam, the prayer of breakfast (chasht) was never missed by him, not to mention the prescribed prayers. He never did harm to any creature unless required by the shariʿa. He often went to pay visits to the dervishes and hermits. In whatever land he reached, he first went for circumambulating the tombs of the friends of God (awliya‌ʾ) 61 “Muʿin al-haqq wa al-dunya wa al-din.” Hazine 1653, fol. 2b; and Bağdat 282, fol. 3a. This sentence also appears in the dedicatory shamsa of Hafiz-i Abru’s Kulliyat-i tarikhi (Bağdat 282) on folio 10a. 62 This sultan Sanjar is Mubariz al-Din Muhammad Muzaffar (d. 1359), the ancestor of the Muzaffarids. See Hinz-Berlin, “Quellenstudien,” 368. 63 Tāǧ as-Salmānī, Šams al-Ḥusn, fol. 5a. 64 Khwandmir, Habib al-siyar, vol. 3, 606.

Chapter 1

and the righteous people. In the battlefield, he was steadfast against the enemy like a majestic mount, and in praying he trembled like willow leaves.65 Interestingly, these words of Khwandmir about Shahrukh have been repeated in the work of Munajjim Bashi (d. 1702) the Turkish historian of the subsequent century.66 The later Timurid historians gave a “supra-normal spiritual power” to Shahrukh.67 Dawlatshah Samarqandi (d. 1494 or 1507), for instance, in his Tazkirat al-shuʿara (“The Biography of Poets”) states, “Shahrukh Sultan, through perfect religious observance, purity of innate nature and good moral character, reached the station of sainthood and was aware of things unseen. Saintly miracles are related of him.”68 Like other Timurid rulers of Iran, Shahrukh adhered to Sunnism of the Hanafite school of jurisprudence. In 820/1417, the Hanafi jurist, Jalal al-Din Qayini (d. 1434–5) completed his Nasayih-i Shahrukhi (“Counsels for Shahrukh”) as the earliest Timurid political treatise. Qayini was the first one who presented Shahrukh as the renewer of the faith promised by the Prophet Muhammad to appear in the Muslim community at the beginning of each century.69 He considered that the Prophet’s tradition refers to Shahrukh’s rule, as the beginning of his rule had coincided the beginning of the century.70 Some years later, in 829/1425, the Timurid chronicler Hafiz-i Abru in the introduction of his Majmaʿ al-tawarikh introduced Shahrukh as the “renewer of the rituals of shariʿa.”71 Sharaf al-Din ʿAli Yazdi was the third one who accorded the title mujaddid to Shahrukh around 832/1428–29.72 Thus, Shahrukh followed the idea of religious renewal (tajdid) that was revivification of the “prophetic custom” (sunna) and extermination of “heretical innovation” (bidʿa).73 According to the well-known Islamic doctrine, “enjoining what is good and forbidding what is wrong,” revivification of the sunna meant prevention 65 Ibid., 553. 66 Browne, Literary history, 384–85. For Shahrukh’s pious character in Hafiz-i Abru’s text, see Haj Sayyed Javadi, “Muqaddima-yi musahhih,” xlvii–l. 67 Manz, “Family and ruler,” 69. 68 “Dawlatshah,” in Thackston, A century of princes, 20. 69 Binbaş, Intellectual networks, 263. 70 Ibid., 263. 71 “Mujaddid marasim al-shariʿa.” Hazine 1653, fol. 3a. 72 Barthold, Ulugh-Beg, 113; Woods, “Rise of Tīmūrid historiography,” 105; Subtelny & Khalidov, “Curriculum,” 212; Woods, Aqquyunlu, 104; and Binbaş, Intellectual networks, 261–65. 73 Subtelny & Khalidov, “Curriculum,” 212.

The Political and Cultural Setting

of the forbidden acts such as wine drinking, gaming and prostitution.74 Thus, Shahrukh ordered the muhtasibs (controllers of morals) to pour down the drain all the wine they could find in Herat. In 844/1440, the muhtasibs, who had been allowed to enter the houses of the people, reported to the sultan that wine remained only in the houses of Muhammad Juki (d. 1444) and ʿAla al-Dawla (d. 1451), Shahrukh’s son and grandson. Shahrukh accompanied them to the houses of the princes and ordered them to pour away their wine.75 Drinking wine was strictly prohibited, so that Amir ʿAli Shaqani, the vizier of Shahrukh, was accused of being drunk by his rivals to pursue their conspiracy against him.76 Shahrukh often used to perform symbolic actions such as visiting the shrine of important Sunni Sufis and scholars, in particular the shrine of ʿAbd-Allah Ansari (d. 1088) whose cult and shrine he resuscitated and made the “ideological touchstone” for his Islamizing policies.77 On his journeys, he chose the routes where the holy tombs were located, especially at the beginning of his military expeditions.78 Primary sources record at least nine visits to the shrine of Imam Riza in Mashhad up to 822/1419.79 Shahrukh participated in the Friday prayer in the Jamiʿ mosque of Herat without taking any guardian. The Qurʾan reciters were summoned to his court four times a week on Saturday, Monday, Thursday and Friday.80 He wished to spread Islam to different lands by sending Sunni missionaries to Quhistan (the southern part of Khurasan), the Qipchaq steppe and India.81 Shahrukh’s Islamizing policies also appeared in his answer to the letter of the Chinese emperor Yung-lo. In his reply, Shahrukh described the mission of the prophets and their proscription of idolatry, and then the Prophet Muhammad’s cancellation of the previous laws. After stating that many of Chingiz Khan’s progeny 74 “Al-amr bi al-maʿruf wa al-nahy ʿan al-munkar.” See Qurʾan, 3:104, 3:110, 7:157, 9:71. 75 Khwandmir, Habib al-siyar, vol. 4, 17; and Barthold, Ulugh-Beg, 113. The Chinese envoy, Ch’en Ch’eng in his report has also recorded that wine was strictly forbidden. Hecker, “Fifteenth-century,” 93. 76 Khwandmir, Dastur al-wuzaraʼ, 359. 77 Subtelny, “Sunni revival,” 15–16. I would like to express my gratitude to Christiane Gruber for sharing this article with me. As Maria Subtelny argues, Ansari became the “perfect symbol of the Timurids’ stated return to Islamic principles and of their opposition to all elements that posed a threat to the stability of their regime.” Subtelny, “Cult of ʿAbdullāh Anṣārī,” 383. 78 O’Kane, Timurid architecture, 89–90. For a detailed study of Shahrukh’s visits (ziyarat) to the shrines of Muslim saints, see Melville, “Itineraries of Shāhrukh,” 291–93. 79 Ibid., 293. 80 Barthold, Ulugh-Beg, 113. 81 Subtelny & Khalidov, “Curriculum,” 212–18.

Chapter 1

were Muslim and mentioning Timur’s application of the shariʿa, he invited the Ming emperor to act according to the Islamic shariʿa.82 Some evidence shows that Shahrukh’s Islamizing policy was not without its contradictions. Many aspects of the Chingizid heritage like Turco-Mongolian customary laws, the yarghu courts, production of the genealogical manuscripts, and taxation practices forbidden under the shariʿa not only persisted, but also were promoted by him.83 This taxation, which was called tamgha, applied to all commercial transactions, and when Shahrukh was faced with the opposition of ʿulama he simply declared trading taxes to be zakat (alms levies).84 In his Nasayih-i Shahrukhi, Jalal al-Din Qayini has described the illegal taxation practices current at the time and states, “Many other regulations have been instituted that are very unjust and oppressive and to mention them [all] would only lengthen this book.”85 One of the most questionable acts of Shahrukh, revealing his violence, was the execution of the ʿulama and sadat of Isfahan who had supported his rebellious grandson, Sultan Muhammad. The killing of the ʿulama of Isfahan shortly before his death was not the only case of execution. His failed assassination in 830/1427 by a member of the hurufi movement led to executions and the exile of the Sufi poet Qasim-i Anvar (d. 1433).86 5

Art Patronage

Mention has already been made of Shahrukh’s decentralization policy. Based on a decree issued in the name of Shahrukh and dated 814/1411, Ulugh Beg authorized the artists and artisans forced to live in Samarqand by Timur to return to their towns.87 Such a policy yielded flourishing provincial artistic workshops. Thus, art patronage was not confined to the court of Shahrukh, but the princes installed by him also vied with each other in the production of exquisite works of art. Among the princes, four individuals contributed to shape Timurid art during the reign of Shahrukh: Iskandar Sultan and Ibrahim Sultan (d. 1435) in Shiraz, Ulugh Beg in Samarqand, and Baysunghur (d. 1433) in Herat. 82 Nava’i, Asnad va mukatibat, 133–34. 83 Subtelny & Khalidov, “Curriculum,” 212. 84 Barthold, Ulugh-Beg, 128; and Roemer, “Successors of Tīmūr,” 134. 85 Subtelny, “Sunni revival,” 20. The Nasayih-i Shahrukhi was presented to the royal library of Shahrukh in 820/1417. The actual presentation copy of the manuscript remains in the Österreichische Nationalbibliothek (A.F. 112) carrying the same date of completion. For this manuscript, see page 31. 86 For a detailed discussion of Shahrukh’s assassination, see Binbaş, “Anatomy.” 87 Woods, “Timur’s genealogy,” 115.

The Political and Cultural Setting

The cultural programme of the Timurid princes in patronizing different artistic projects increasingly caused the creation of a mutual relationship between art and ideology. Under the influence of Shahrukh, the Timurid princes followed his exercises in piety and patronage of religious art. Shahrukh’s first son, Ulugh Beg who memorized the Qurʾan in seven types of reading,88 commissioned a gigantic Qurʾan stand with lavishly decorated inscriptions and arabesques for the courtyard of the Jamiʿ mosque of Samarqand.89 He rivaled his father and grandfather in architectural patronage and urban planning.90 He founded a madrasa and khanqah in Samarqand, a madrasa in Bukhara, and the new mosque in Shahr-i Sabz.91 Iskandar Sultan, the governor of Shiraz, who was also a patron of architecture, ordered the famous Sufi poet Shah Niʿmat-Allah Vali to build a large khanqah in the Taft district.92 Shahrukh’s second son, Ibrahim Sultan designed inscriptions for two madrasas he founded in Shiraz, the mausoleum of the famous poet Saʿdi (d. 1291–2), and the door of the Zahiri mausoleum.93 At least five copies of the Qurʾan by his own hand survive,94 and as Qadi Ahmad Qumi mentions in 835/1431–32, he copied a giant Qurʾan of two cubits long and one and a half cubits wide.95 Similarly, the third brother, Baysunghur executed a magnificent inscription quoting from both the Qurʾan and hadith for the main iwan of Gawharshad’s mosque at Mashhad in 821/1418.96 Gawharshad’s artistic patronage was also religious in nature. In 820/1417–18, she commissioned the building of the Jamiʿ mosque and madrasa of Herat.97 Another complex that was erected under her patronage is the Jamiʿ mosque,

88 Khwandmir, Habib al-siyar, vol. 4, 20. 89 Lentz & Lowry, Timur and the princely vision, 84. 90 Ibid., 90. For a discussion of architecture patronage under Ulugh Beg, see Barthold, UlughBeg, 121–24; and Lentz & Lowry, Timur and the princely vision, 90–93. 91 Golombek & Wilber, Timurid Architecture, vol. 1, 61. 92 Lentz & Lowry, Timur and the princely vision, 94. For Iskandar Sultan, see Keshavarz, “Horoscope of Iskandar;” Soucek, “Eskandar Solṭān;” and Idem, “Manuscripts of Iskandar Sultan.” 93 Qadi Ahmad Qumi, Gulistan-i hunar, 30. For artistic patronage and book production under Ibrahim Sultan, see Sims, “Ibrahim Sultan;” Idem, “Hundred and one paintings;” Grube, “Ibrahim-Sultan’s anthology;” Brend, Perspectives on Persian painting, 49–52; and Abdullaeva & Melville, Persian Book of Kings. 94 Lentz & Lowry, Timur and the princely vision, 84. 95 Qadi Ahmad Qumi, Gulistan-i hunar, 31. 96 Lentz & Lowry, Timur and the princely vision, 81. For a detailed discussion on Baysunghur, see Lentz, “Painting at Herat under Baysunghur.” 97 Allen, Catalogue, nos. 431, 457; O’Kane, Timurid architecture, 167–77; and Golombek & Wilber, Timurid architecture, nos. 69–70.

Chapter 1

Dar al-huffaz, and Dar al-siyada adjoining the shrine of Imam Riza at Mashhad.98 The Jamiʿ mosque of Mashhad, which was built by the court architect Qawam al-Din Shirazi,99 is perhaps the most impressive monument of Gawharshad. She endowed stores, gardens, orchards and a bath to the mosque to ensure its financial guarantee.100 Historical sources also record the architectural patronage under Malikat Agha, the widow of ʿUmar Shaykh, who had wed Shahrukh. She established a hospital, a Dar al-hadith, a caravansary, two madrasas and two baths. Since she had neither the prestige nor the wealth of Gawharshad, none of her buildings survives.101 Shahrukh’s first architectural activity was a reconstruction and extension of the Bazar-i Malik (Royal Bazaar), indicating that he attached importance to commercial affairs in his new capital.102 The erection of his first major religious project including a madrasa and a khanqah beside the citadel was finished in 813/1410–11.103 Shahrukh himself installed the professors of the madrasa and attended its ceremonial opening, accompanied by two of his chief emirs.104 Towards the end of his reign, Shahrukh and the Timurid aristocracy of Herat had constructed more than thirty gardens, many of them a rebuilding of earlier gardens.105 One of these renovated gardens was Bagh-i Zaghan (Raven Garden) that became Shahrukh’s royal seat of residence in 814/1411–12.106 This glorious garden became a place for the official activities of the Timurid sultan. Gawharshad’s monumental ensemble was erected near the Bagh-i Zaghan along a major road called Khiyaban. The Khiyaban from the north cut through farmland to reach the Bazar-i Malik and the citadel.107 The section of the Khiyaban between the citadel and Juy-i Injil became a site of immense religious buildings commissioned under the patronage of the royal house.

98 Ibid., 119–30. 99 For the architect Qawam al-Din Shirazi and his works, see Wilber, “Qavam al-Din.” 100 Marefat, “Timurid women,” 42–43. For a discussion of the artistic patronage of Timurid women, see also, Soucek, “Tīmūrid women.” 101 Golombek & Wilber, Timurid architecture, vol. 1, 62. 102 O’Kane, Timurid architecture, 5, 80. 103 Allen, Catalogue, no. 486; and O’Kane, Timurid architecture, 80. 104 Subtelny & Khalidov, “Curriculum,” 213. 105 Lentz & Lowry, Timur and the princely vision, 108. 106 Allen, Catalogue, no. 653; and Melville, “Itineraries of Shāhrukh,” 299. 107 Allen, Catalogue, no. 85; Allen, Timurid Herat, 46–48; and Golombek & Wilber, Timurid architecture, vol. 1, 26–27. For the maps of the city of Herat and its historical sites, see Allen, Timurid Herat, 93–95, and the attached map.

The Political and Cultural Setting

In 818/1415–16, Shahrukh gave the order for the rebuilding of the citadel of Herat.108 The citadel had been built by the Kart ruler Fakhr al-Din (r. 1295–1308) in sun-dried bricks and was reconstructed by Shahrukh in stone and baked brick.109 Unlike the Karts, the Timurids did not live in the citadel, using it to keep the treasury, and after Shahrukh’s death it served as a prison.110 A panegyric to Shahrukh and his sons composed by Hafiz-i Abru encircled the walls of the citadel, but now it has disappeared completely.111 Most of Shahrukh’s architectural energies were spent on the erection and reorientation of the famous shrines. In 829/1425, he commissioned the construction of the shrine of the eleventh-century Hanbalite Sufi Shaykh, Khwaja ʿAbd-Allah Ansari at Gazurgah in the suburb of Herat.112 This was the most significant religious structure patronized by him at Herat, reflecting his image as a traditional ruler upholding Sunni orthodoxy.113 The architectural activities of Shahrukh have been listed by Bernard O’Kane as follows: rebuilding of the bazaars, renovation of the Bagh-i Sifid (White Garden, where Baysunghur lived), madrasa and khanqah, rebuilding of the citadel, shrine at Gazurgah, Dar al-Shifa (hospital), mausoleum of Khwaja ʿAbdAllah Taqi, mosque of Bibi Sitti, Bagh-i Naw, Chahar Bagh in Mashhad, and a madrasa in Mashhad.114 Although other Timurid princes showed increased interest in poetry, Shahrukh not only is not known to have composed poetry but also he did not recruit the most famous poets of the period, Qasim-i Anvar and Shah NiʿmatAllah Vali (d. 1431). Poetry was prevalent among all classes of society and it was composed by many of the princes, scientists, and even tradesmen.115 The princes as patrons and collectors of verse attracted the most talented poets, and this literary competition became a kind of court rivalry.116

108 Allen, Catalogue, no. 54; O’Kane, Timurid architecture, no. 1; and Golombek & Wilber, Timurid architecture, no. 68. 109 O’Kane, Timurid architecture, 115. 110 Allen, Catalogue, 34. 111 Wolfe, Herat, 10. Bernard O’Kane in his catalogue has given a full translation of the panegyric composed by Hafiz-i Abru. See O’Kane, Timurid architecture, 116–17. 112 Golombek, Timurid shrine; O’Kane, Timurid architecture, no. 9; and Golombek & Wilber, Timurid Architecture, no. 71. 113 Ibid., 61. 114 O’Kane, Timurid architecture, 80. For the buildings constructed under the patronage of Shahrukh and his viziers in Herat, see Allen, Catalogue, 17–23. 115 For a detailed study of Persian poetry during the reign of Shahrukh, see Yarshater, Shiʿr-i farsi. 116 Lentz & Lowry, Timur and the princely vision, 113.

Chapter 1

Contemporary sources from this period begin to record the name of the artists, a change reflecting the strong interest of the princes to attract the most gifted artists.117 In his Tazkirat al-shuʿara‌ʾ, Dawlatshah Samarqandi has recorded the names of four artists in the court of Shahrukh: “Khwaja ʿAbdulqadir Maragha-i in the science of modes and music, Yusuf Andagani in recitation and singing, Ustad Qawam al-Din in geometry, design and architecture, and Mawlana Khalil the painter, who was a second Mani.”118 In sum, during the reign of Shahrukh, artistic patronage was not considered an inconsequential matter but as an integral component of kingship. The Timurid princes rivaled each other in the production of splendid works of art, which brought them prestige and authority. Artistic patronage of these princes in the first half of the fifteenth century was affiliated with Shahrukh’s actions as sultan. Shahrukh’s attitude towards governance, especially his adherence to the shariʿa and his Chaghatayid and Ilkhanid connections, played a significant role in the emergence of new standards for the visual arts in Persia.

117 Ibid., 112. 118 “Dawlatshah,” in Thackston, A century of princes, 21.

Chapter 2

Book Production under Shahrukh During the reign of Shahrukh, numerous illustrated manuscripts were commissioned by the Timurid princes and princesses. Book production was an important device for dynastic claims, representing perhaps the most significant portrayal of the Timurids’ tendencies. In Shiraz, both Iskandar Sultan and Ibrahim Sultan were themselves calligraphers and supervised the affairs of the kitabkhana and its staff. In Herat, Baysunghur employed forty calligraphers under the leadership of Jaʿfar Tabrizi (d. 1480).1 Evidently, Jaʿfar Tabrizi used to write several reports of progress (ʿarza-dasht) on the work of the kitabkhana to Baysunghur, one of which survives.2 It seems that the patronage centre of luxury books in the first decade of the fifteenth century was based in Tabriz under Sultan Ahmad Jalayir and in Shiraz under Iskandar Sultan. Shahrukh’s ascension to the throne in Herat and the subsequent events of the death of Sultan Ahmad in 1410 and Iskandar’s removal from power in 1414 caused the centre of book production to shift eastward. Iskandar’s treasures, including some of his artists, were brought to Herat by Shahrukh. Moreover, during the reconquest of Tabriz from Qara Yusuf in 1420, Baysunghur transferred Jaʿfar Tabrizi along with a group of painters and calligraphers to Herat. Almost nothing is known of the production process for books under the patronage of Shahrukh. The names of some of the artists in his library have been recorded. Dawlatshah Samarqandi mentions Mawlana Khalil as a skilled painter in Shahrukh’s kitabkhana.3 The name of Mawlana Khalil also appears in the ʿarza-dasht of Jaʿfar Tabrizi as one of the painters who worked for Baysunghur.4 Qadi Ahmad Qumi records the name of Mawlana Maʿruf as one of the calligraphers of Shahrukh’s kitabkhana. Maʿruf is the famous calligrapher who served for the royal workshops of Sultan Ahmad Jalayir at Baghdad and Tabriz, Iskandar Sultan at Shiraz and Isfahan, Shahrukh, and Baysunghur.5 1 Lentz & Lowry, Timur and the princely vision, 114. 2 For the report of Jaʿfar Tabrizi and its commentary, see Thackston, A century of princes, 323– 27, and Mihan, “On the meaning,” 129–34. 3 “Dawlatshah,” in Thackston, A century of princes, 21. 4 Thackston, A century of princes, 323. 5 For more information on the calligrapher Maʿruf, see Qadi Ahmad Qumi, Gulistan-i hunar, 26–27; Titley, “A Khamsa of Niẓāmī;” Idem, Persian miniature, 56; Lentz, “Painting at Herat,” 18–19; Lentz & Lowry, Timur and the princely vision, 114; and Blair, “Color and gold,” 32.

Chapter 2

Figure 1A The imprint of Shahrukh’s library seal with 33 mm in diameter, detail of folio 264a of a Divan of Poets by LutfAllah Nishaburi, National Library of Iran, accession number: 2321. Note: I would like to thank Gholamreza Amirkhani for sharing this picture with me.

Figure 1B The imprint of Shahrukh’s library seal with 22 mm in diameter, detail of a folio from a copy of Anis al-nas written by Shujaʿ, Library, Museum and Document Center of Iran Parliament, accession number: 9518.

Qadi Ahmad also mentions Mawlana ʿAbd-Allah Tabbakh as a calligrapher who was from the dar al-saltana of Herat and inscriptions on most of the buildings of Herat, especially Gazurgah, are written by his hand. He states that Mawlana ʿAbd-Allah was also skilled in gold sprinkling (afshan) and book restoration (vassali).6 We also know that one of the calligraphers of Shahrukh’s kitabkhana was Mahmud, whose name appears in the colophon of a copy of Khamsa by Nizami Ganjavi (d. 1209) now in the State Hermitage Museum (VR-1000). Another calligrapher was Masʿud ibn ʿAbd-Allah who penned a copy of Tarikh-i Ghazani and Dhayl-i Jamiʿ al-tawarikh (Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Suppl. pers. 209, fol. 530b).

6 Qadi Ahmad Qumi, Gulistan-i hunar, 27.

Book Production under Shahrukh

The Surviving Manuscripts

Among the royal Timurid libraries, the libraries of Shahrukh and his son Baysunghur have stamped their books with library seals.7 Nowadays, numerous manuscripts from Shahrukh’s kitabkhana survive, in which any attempt to reconstruct the library would help us in better understanding the taste of the sultan and the cultural context of the period. To date no serious attempt has been made in identifying the manuscripts surviving from Shahrukh’s library. Apart from the manuscripts produced or refurbished under the patronage of Shahrukh, some of the codices with the imprint of his library seal can be seen in Table 1. Table 1

Some of the surviving codices, which were not produced for Shahrukh but carry the imprints of his library seal

Manuscript

Whereabouts

1 2

An encyclopedic compendium Firdawsi’s Shahnama

Firdawsi’s Shahnama, Nizami’s Khamsa and Lughat al-furs Rashid al-Din’s Jamiʿ al-tawarikh Hamd-Allah Mustawfi’s Tarikh-i guzida Abu al-Wafa Buzjani’s al-Majasti Mulla Lutf-Allah Shirazi’s Divan Muhmmad ibn Nashwan ibn Saʿid Himyari’s Diya‌ʾ al-hulum fi mukhtasar shams al-ʿulum Shujaʿ’s Anis al-nas

Istanbul, Topkapı Sarayı Library (Bağdat 411).a Istanbul, Topkapı Sarayı Library (Hazine 1479).b Istanbul, Topkapı Sarayı Library (Hazine 1510).c Edinburgh University Library (Or.MS 20) and the Khalili Collection in London (MSS 727).d Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek (Pers. 205).e Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France (Arabe 2494).f Tehran, National Library of Iran (2321).g

4 5 6 7 8

Tehran, Central Library of the University of Tehran (three volumes) (226–28).h Tehran, Library of Iran Parliament (9518).i

7 Norah Titley & Eleanor Sims mention that only Shahrukh’s kitabkhana has imprinted its books with seals. Titley, “A Khamsa of Niẓāmī,” 166; and Sims, “Timurid Manuscript,” 67. For the seals of Baysunghur’s kitabkhana, see Safari Aq Qal‘ih, “Muhr-i Baysunghur;” and Shiva Mihan’s forthcoming article: “The seal of Bāysunghur, in the earliest manuscript with an ex-libris of his library.” I am most grateful to Charles Melville for drawing my attention to Baysunghur’s seal and to Shiva Mihan for sending a copy of her paper.

Chapter 2

Table 1

10 11 12 13 14

Some of the surviving codices (cont.)

Manuscript

Whereabouts

Zakhira-yi khwarazmshahi Ismaʿil Hamawi’s al-Mukhtasar fi tarikh akhbar al-bashar Amir Khusraw Dihlavi’s Khamsa Farid al-Din ʿAttar’s Tazkirat al-awliya‌ʾ Farid al-Din ʿAttar’s Jawahir al-zat

Tehran, Collection of Asghar Mahdavi.j Tehran, Malik National Museum of Iran (3947).k Tashkent, Institute of Oriental Sciences of the Uzbek Academy of Sciences (ms. 2179).l Herat, National Museum of Herat (HNA 107).m Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek (A.F. 384).n

a The second part of the manuscript, which is dated 816/1413, was copied at Isfahan and contains a dedication to Iskandar Sultan. It was bound into an album with a range of other materials (mostly calligraphy) for Shahrukh. His name appears on its binding flap. For the study of this manuscript, see Roxburgh, “Our works point to us,” vol. 1, 39–48, 60–69; vol. 2, 489–643; and Idem, Persian album, 106–21. Lentz & Lowry have listed the contents of the anthology as follows: “a description of the beneficent and detrimental properties of foodstuffs, a historical listing of the rulers of the earth, geographical works, description of games, calendrical systems, commentaries on omens and auguries, a brief history of Timur’s family emphasising Iskandar Sultan, and a collection of Aristotelian aphorisms.” Lentz & Lowry, Timur and the princely vision, 157, no. 112. David Roxburgh demonstrates that Bağdat 411 was one of the sources for the materials pasted into the Diez albums. Roxburgh, “Heinrich Friedrich von Diez.” Some images of the manuscript are published in Lentz & Lowry, Timur and the princely vision, figs. 48–50; Robinson, “Zenith of his time,” fig. 15; Shani, “Noah’s Ark,” fig. 7; Roxburgh, Persian album, figs. 43, 58, 59–64; Blair, Islamic Calligraphy, fig. 7.7; Berlekamp, Wonder, image, and cosmos, fig. 67; and Gonnella et al. (eds.), The Diez albums, fig. 7.11. b Karatay, Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi, no. 332; and Çağman & Tanındı, “Remarks on some manuscripts,” 147, no. 29. c Karatay, Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi, no. 348; Soucek & Çağman, “A royal manuscript;” and Çağman & Tanındı, “Remarks on some manuscripts,” 147, no. 29. Three folios of the book bear the library seal of Shahrukh. His name also appears in a dedicatory shamsa on folio 499a. For the reproduction of the shamsa, see Soucek & Çağman, “A royal manuscript,” fig. 10.7. d For Shahrukh’s library seal, see Gray, World history of Rashid al-Din, 27, no. 7; Robinson, “Rashid al-Din’s world history,” pl. ii; and Blair, Compendium of chronicles, fig. 19. e Aumer, Persischen Handschriften, no. 205. The imprints of the seal can be found on fols. 1a, 51a, 237a, 332b. f Jafariyan, “Muhr-i kitabkhana,” 227 (quoted from Francis Richard). The imprint of the seal can be found on fol. 55a. g The manuscript is dated 814/1411–12. Safari Aq Qal‘ih, “Ahval va athar-i Simi,” 15–16; and Jafariyan, “Muhr-i kitabkhana,” 225–26. h Ibid., 226. i Safari Aq Qal‘ih, “Muhr-i Baysunghur,” 20; and Amirkhani, “Yaddashti bar maqala,” 445. j The manuscript is dated 559/1163–64. Ibid., 445.

Book Production under Shahrukh

k The codex is dated 710/1310–11. Ibid., 445. l It is copied in Shiraz and dated to 756/1355. Priscilla Soucek and Filiz Çağman have proposed that one of its two scribes, Muhammad ibn Muhammad ibn Muhammad known as Shams alHafiz al-Shirazi, was most probably the famous poet Hafiz. Soucek & Çağman, “A royal manuscript,” 188, note 20. See also Dikhlavi, Matlaʿ al-anwar, 74–76; and Suleimanov, Miniatures illuminations, pls. 87–88. m The manuscript is dated 670/1272 and carries later library inscription of Shahrukh. I would like to thank Claus-Peter Haase for drawing my attention to this manuscript and later for sending a copy of the book. For reproduction of some of its folios including the initial shamsa, see Haase, “Herat – centre of the art of the book,” 448, 466–67, 551–52. n Duda, Islamische Handschriften I, 52–53, figs. 8–9; and Soucek & Çağman, “A royal manuscript,” note 20.

On average, each manuscript of the library is imprinted with four or five circular seals, usually on the margin of the folios, around the initial shamsa or beside the colophon. Two kinds of circular seals were used that differ in size and calligraphy (fig. 1). The first seal, which has a thinner script, is 33 mm in diameter, and the second one is 22 mm in diameter. Both are in naskh script and have two positive and two negative concentric circles at the border, and read:

‫ن‬ ‫خ‬ ‫�م� ن �کت خ ز ن‬ ‫ظ ش‬ ‫�� ب� ��ا ��ه ا �ل��س��ل��ط�ا � الا �ع��م ��ا ه ر� ب��ه�ا د ر‬ �

Of the books of the treasury of the greatest sultan Shahrukh Bahadur. The surviving manuscripts from Shahrukh’s library demonstrate that he was a bibliophile ruler, mostly interested in historical, religious, and scientific works. Most of the books commissioned by him are also historical or religious in content. He recruited talented historians of the period, ordering them to write a number of chronicles. Except for Hafiz-i Abru’s works, which will be discussed in the next chapter, several other chronicles were presented to Shahrukh. In 813/1410, he commissioned Taj al-Din Salmani to compose his Shams alhusn (“The Sun of Beauty”), a continuation of Shami’s Zafarnama. In 817/1414, Muʿin al-Din Natanzi presented his world history, Muntakhab al-tawarikh-i Muʿini (“The Select Muʿini Histories”) to Shahrukh.8 In 820/1417–18, Jaʿfar ibn Muhammad ibn Hasan al-Husayni Jaʿfari dedicated to Shahrukh a short universal history to 817/1414 entitled Tarikh-i wasit.9 Apart from these chronicles, in 830/1426–27, an anonymous author wrote his genealogical work, Muʿizz alansab, for the royal library of Shahrukh.

8 For a discussion of the works by Taj al-Din Salmani and Muʿin al-Din Natanzi, see Woods, “Rise of Tīmūrid historiography,” 88–93. 9 Manz, “Family and ruler,” 60; and Idem, Power, politics and religion, 53.

Chapter 2

Among the extant books produced or refurbished under the patronage of Shahrukh and the possible attributions, the manuscripts presented in Tables 2 and 3 are known to me. Table 2 The surviving illustrated manuscripts produced or refurbished under Shahrukh’s commission

Manuscript

Whereabouts

Description

1 Hafiz-i Abru’s Kulliyat-i tarikhi or Majmuʿa

Istanbul, Topkapı Sarayı Library (Bağdat 282).

2 Hafiz-i Abru’s Majmaʿ al-tawarikh and Rashid al-Din’s Jamiʿ al-tawarikh 3 Hafiz-i Abru’s Majmaʿ al-tawarikh and Rashid al-Din’s Jamiʿ al-tawarikh. 4 Rashid al-Din’s Jamiʿ al-tawarikh

Istanbul, Topkapı Sarayı Library (Hazine 1653)

The first part of the book was finished in 818/1415–16, and according to a date offered in the introduction, it was evidently completed in 820/1417–18. It was produced at the order of Shahrukh and carries both a dedicatory shamsa and the seal of Shahrukh’s library. It is dated 829/1426. Some parts of the manuscript were produced in Shahrukh’s kitabkhana and it carries both a dedicatory shamsa and the seal of Shahrukh’s library. It has at least two imprints of the seals of the royal library of Shahrukh.

5 Nizami’s Khamsa

St. Petersburg, The State Hermitage Museum (VR-1000) Private Collection

6 Nizami’s Khamsa

7 Rashid al-Din’s Jamiʿ al-tawarikh 8 Miʿrajnama and Tazkirat al-awliya‌ʾ

Dispersed in more than fifty public and private collections around the world Istanbul, Topkapı Sarayı Library (Hazine 1654)

Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France (Suppl. pers. 1113) Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France (Suppl. turc 190)

It is dated 717/1317. It carries no direct indication of Shahrukh’s kitabkhana, but some evidence suggests that most likely it was refurbished under his patronage. It is dated 835/1431. According to the colophon, it was produced for Shahrukh. The manuscript, which is known as the Cartier Khamsa, is not dated but it carries the imprint of Shahrukh’s library seal. It is not dated but carries an imprint of Shahrukh’s library seal on fol. 191a. It is dated ca. 840/1436–37. Only the Miʿrajnama part of the manuscript is illustrated. The book has no direct indication of Shahrukh’s library.

Book Production under Shahrukh Table 3

The surviving unillustrated manuscripts produced under Shahrukh’s commission

Manuscript

Whereabouts

Description

1 Hafiz-i Abru’s Majmaʿ al-tawarikh

Istanbul, Aya Sofya (3353)

2 Rashid al-Din’s Jamiʿ al-tawarikh

London, The British Library (MS. Add. 7628)

3 Jalal al-Din Qayini’s Nasayih-i Shahrukhi

Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek (A.F. 112) Istanbul, Türk ve İslam Eserleri Müzesi (1992) Istanbul, Topkapı Sarayı Library (Ahmet III 3059) Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France (Suppl. Pers. 209)

The manuscript, which contains the first volume of the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh, carries the imprints of Shahrukh’s library seal.a It contains the first volume and the second part of the second volume. It is not dated but imprints of Shahrukh’s library seals can be found on folios 157a, 524a, 623a and 728b.b It is dated 27 Jumada 820/11 August 1417. Its initial shamsa indicates that it belonged to Shahrukh’s library.c

4 Farid al-Din ʿAttar’s Khamsa 5 Farid al-Din ʿAttar’s Sitta 6 Rashid al-Din’s Tarikh-i Ghazani and Hafiz-i Abru’s Dhayl-i Jamiʿ al-tawarikh

7 Zij-i khaqani

8 Muʿizz al-ansab

9 Fawayid-i ghiyathi

London, India Office Library (Persian MS. 232) Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France (Suppl. pers. 67) Istanbul, Süleymaniye Library (4155)

It is not dated but its dibacha proves that it was produced for Shahrukh.d The manuscript, which is dated 27 Shawwal 841/23 April 1438, bears an inscription to Shahrukh.e It is dated 4 Rajab 837/14 February 1434 and bears both a dedicatory shamsa of Shahrukh on fol. 1a and an imprint of his library seal on fol. 226a.f The second part is also dedicated to Shahrukh who ordered its composition (fol. 443a). It is dated 815–1413.g

It is dated 830/1426.h

It is dated 835/1431.i

a Tauer, “Les manuscrits persans,” 100. b Browne, “Suggestions for a complete edition,” 17–37; Rieu, Catalogue, vol. 1, 74–78; and Melville, “Rashīd al-Dīn and the Shāhnāmeh,” 204–7. This manuscript is accessible online at: http://

Chapter 2

www.bl.uk/manuscripts/FullDisplay.aspx?ref=Add_MS_7628 (last accessed April 2017). In addition to library seals, folio 403b contains a panegyric to Shahrukh. c Flügel, Handschriften, vol. 3, 289–91, no. 1858; Duda, Islamische Handschriften I, 42–44, and figs. 3–4; and Subtelny, “Sunni revival,” 18. d Lentz & Lowry, Timur and the princely vision, cat. no. 39. e Ibid., cat. no. 40. f Richard, Catalogue des manuscrits, vol. 2, 300–2. This manuscript is accessible online in the following link: http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b52506438r?rk=257512;0 (last accessed April 2017). g Lentz & Lowry, Timur and the princely vision, 372. h Ibid., 372. i Ibid., 372.

According to colophons and dedicatory shamsas, it can be stated that some of these manuscripts were produced at the direct request of Shahrukh while the others are attributed to his workshop. Two of them do not bear any seal of Shahrukh’s library or dedicatory inscription: the Miʿrajnama and the Topkapı Jamiʿ al-tawarikh. Since folios are missing from all these three manuscripts, and regarding the fact that the Topkapı Jamiʿ al-tawarikh (Hazine 1654) was remargined later, it is possible that Shahrukh’s seals or inscriptions disappeared. In the remainder of this chapter, the illustrated manuscripts will be discussed briefly, except for Hazine 1653 and the dispersed manuscript that are the subject of the third chapter. 2

Hafiz-i Abru’s Kulliyat-i tarikhi

The massive manuscript of Hafiz-i Abru in the Topkapı Sarayı Library known as Kulliyat-i tarikhi (Bağdat 282)10 or Majmuʿa-yi Hafiz-i Abru has never been studied in depth.11 This beautifully bound manuscript consists of 938 folios made of fine paper; each page measuring 422 by 315 mm. Written in nastaʿliq, the text area of 289 × 215 mm carries the text in thirty-one lines. Thirty-two folios of the manuscript are richly illuminated with shamsas, ʿunwans and a doublepage frontispiece. The oval dedicatory shamsa on folio 10a affirms, “It was written in the days of the reign of the greatest sultan … Shahrukh Bahadur – may

10 Bağdat or Baghdad is the name of a pavilion (Bağdat köşkü) in the Topkapı palace in which the manuscript was preserved before it was transferred to the library. 11 For the history of research on this manuscript, see Sims & Stanley, “Illustrations of Baghdad 282,” 222.

Book Production under Shahrukh

the Almighty God perpetuate his kingdom and sultanate.”12 In addition, the imprint of Shahrukh’s library seal as well as the seals of five other owners can be seen around the circular shamsa on folio 1a. Only its first part, which is approximately one-fifth of the whole manuscript, is illustrated with twenty stunning paintings.13 The section contains the Persian translation of Tabari’s history by Balʿami. Of these miniatures, fifteen have occupied twenty-one lines of the text and thus they have squarish compositions. All these illustrations have a wide gold border. Twelve paintings have been extended into the written surface of the paper. On top of most of the paintings there are Ottoman inscriptions written in red ink that describe the illustrated episodes. At the end of the first part of the manuscript (Balʿami’s translation of Tabari’s history), on folio 296a, it has been written: “wa tarikh al-kitab kutiba maʿruf (and the date of the transcription was scribed by Maʿruf.)” According to the abjad numerals system, “kutiba maʿruf” represents the year 818/1415– 16. The second chronogram on folio 652a gives the date 819/1416–17. Previous scholars have only mentioned these two dates without any clear reference to the chronograms, especially the first one, which contains the name of the calligrapher.14 However, the most important proof for dating the manuscript is clear on folios 2b and 3b, where Hafiz-i Abru’s text records, “… to our time, that is during the year 820 of the Hijra [1417–18].” Thus, the introductory section of the manuscript was transcribed two years after the accomplishment of the first part of the manuscript. Therefore, it seems plausible to assume that the transcription of the manuscript lasted about two years. Based on the similarity of the small illuminated ʿunwans of the manuscript to Shirazi productions, Eleanor Sims and Tim Stanley have proposed, “Perhaps B. 282 was also a manuscript begun in Shiraz – the text copied, its illumination partially executed, and spaces left for twenty illustrations – but only completed in Herat, having been brought there in the baggage of members of

‫ت ف‬ ‫خق ن ن خق ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ظ �ق ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ظ‬ ‫ن ن‬ ‫�ک‬ � ‫�� ب� �ی ای�ا م د و�ل�ه ا �ل��س��ل��ط�ا � الا �ع��م ا �ل�� ا ا � ا ل��م�ع��م ا �ل��س��ل��ط�ا � ا �ب� ا �ل��س��ل��ط�ا � و ا �ل��ا ��ا � ا �ب� ا �ل��ا ��ا‬ ‫ظ�� ا �ل�ّ�لٰ�ه ف� الا ض �� ن �ق�� م�ا ن ا لم�ا ء ا �ل��ط�� ن �م�ع�� ن ا �ل��س��ل��ط ن��ه ا �ل�د ن��ا ا �ل�د � ن ا �ل��س��ل��ط�ا ن �ش��ا ه خ‬ � � ‫ی ر� ی� �هر‬ �‫و ی و ی‬ �‫و ی� ی‬ ‫ل‬ �‫ر‬ ّٰ ‫ن‬ ��‫ب��ه�ا د ر خ��ا ن� خ��ل�د ا �ل��ل�ه ��س ب‬ .‫��ه و ��س��ل��ط�ا ��ه‬ ‫ح�ا ن��ه �م��ل �ک‬

12 The inscription of the shamsa reads:

13 The paintings are located between folio 16 and folio 214. For a list of the illustrations of the manuscript, see Sims & Stanley, “Illustrations of Baghdad 282,” 223–24. 14 Lentz & Lowry, Timur and the princely vision, cat. 46; Robinson, “Zenith of his time,” 15; Idem, Fifteenth-century Persian painting, 6–7; Sims & Stanley, “Illustrations of Baghdad 282,” 222; and Wright, Look of the book, 118–19.

Chapter 2

Iskandar’s kitabkhana who then found employment with Shahrukh.”15 It seems that now this hypothesis can be rejected for two reasons. First, Iskandar Sultan had fallen from power on 2 Jumada I 816/31 July 1414,16 two years before the accomplishment date of the first part of the manuscript. Second, according to Hafiz-i Abru’s text, it was Shahrukh who ordered this massive anthology of histories to be gathered.17 In the introduction of the codex, Hafiz-i Abru says about the reason for the book’s compilation: The reason for the writing (tahrir) of this book His majesty [Shahrukh] – may God perpetuate his rule – from the extremity of his interest and effort to the study of history and the predecessors’ works, is erudite in the accounts of generations and nations, and the Turkish, Arabian and Persian kings. He ordered the transcription (kitabat) of an anthology from sections of this science. One of the most reliable books on history, which is common in our time, is the translation of the history by Muhammad ibn Jarir al-Tabari. Most of its stories have been narrated from the commentaries, quoting from the Qurʾan … Afterwards there is Jamiʿ al-tawarikh of Rashid, who collected the accounts of sultans and the tribes’ rulers. He wrote the book for sultan Ghazan, and it was finished in the beginning of the reign of sultan Uljaytu in the year 705 [1305–6]. [Shahrukh] wished to incorporate what has occurred after that time up to our time, that is during the year 820 of the Hijra [1417–18]. He commissioned this humble slave to collect the events of the ages and the rise of prosperous sultans as much as possible. Thus, the book of Zafarnama of sahib-qiran, and afterward, a history of the victories and events of the time of His Majesty [Shahrukh] – may God perpetuate his rule – was incorporated therein.18 Therefore, Hafiz-i Abru was commissioned to gather an anthology of the most authentic books of history. Hafiz-i Abru himself had written an introduction to Tabari’s history, an introduction and a continuation to the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh, a continuation to Shami’s Zafarnama, a history of Shahrukh’s reign, and some other treatises.19 According to the chronogram on folio 296a, the transcription 15 Ibid., 224. See also Grube & Sims, “School of Herat,” 148. 16 Soucek, “Eskandar Solṭān,” 603. 17 Some scholars have attributed this manuscript to Baysunghur’s kitabkhana. See Robinson, Fifteenth-century Persian painting, 7; and Shani, “Noah’s Ark,” 169. 18 Bağdat 282, fol. 3b. 19 For analysis of the content of Hafiz-i Abru’s text in the manuscript, see page 49.

Book Production under Shahrukh

of the entire folios of the manuscript was done by Maʿruf-i Khattat who was brought to Herat after Iskandar’s removal from power. It is probable that, like Maʿruf, other artists who had previously served for Iskandar Sultan in Shiraz worked on the manuscript. Sims and Stanley have argued that several aspects of these paintings such as wide golden skies and relatively large figures are derived from the paintings produced for Iskandar.20 Basil William Robinson has also attributed some of the paintings of the manuscript to Pir Ahmad Baghshimali, who had earlier worked for Iskandar.21 3

Rashid al-Din’s Jamiʿ al-tawarikh (Hazine 1654)

Without considering its illustrations, Hazine 1654 is the most complete surviving manuscript of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh produced at Rashid al-Din’s scriptorium. In its current state, the book consists of 350 folios of which 323 leaves are productions of the Rabʿ-i Rashidi. In comparison, the Arabic codex, which is shared between the Khalili collection and Edinburgh University Library, comprises 210 leaves;22 and Hazine 1653 contains 237 Rashidi folios.23 Although this manuscript has already been mentioned in several general publications on Persian painting, no comprehensive research has been done on this complicated book.24 According to its colophon on folio 350a, it was finished on 3 Jumada I 717/14 July 1317.25 Since the transcription of the manuscript was finished a year before Rashid al-Din’s execution on 18 Jumada I 718/18 July 1318, approximately seven illustrations at its beginning were added – three of which survive – and other locations left for painting remained empty. Each page of the manuscript measures 557 by 328 mm. The written surface of 342 by 244 mm carries the text in thirty-one lines of naskh script. A later added note at the end of the colophon records, “The number of the folios of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh 20 Sims & Stanley, “Illustrations of Baghdad 282,” 224–26. 21 Robinson, “Zenith of his time,” 15; and Idem, Fifteenth-century Persian painting, 6–7. 22 Blair, Compendium of chronicles, 23–24. 23 See page 71. 24 The basic publications of this manuscript are those by Güner Inal. See Inal, “Some miniatures;” Idem, “Fourteenth-century miniatures,” 34–35, 398–99; and Idem, “Miniatures in historical manuscripts.” Nearly all other discussions on this manuscript are based on her observations. However, Inal’s research on Hazine 1654 is out of date, and most of the statistical information on the book provided by her lacks accuracy. For a detailed study on this manuscript, see most recently Ghiasian, “Topkapı manuscript.” 25 The colophon page of the manuscript is reproduced by Ateṣ, Cāmi’ al-tavārīh, pl. 2; and Jahn, Rashīd-al-Dīn’s history of India, 94.

Chapter 2

is 375.”26 For this reason, it can be said that about twenty-five folios of the book are missing. A cursory examination of the manuscript showed that the missing folios belong to different chapters of the book. One hundred and seventeen pages are illustrated with 125 narrative illustrations.27 This means that eight pages of the manuscript carry two paintings. Twenty-three pages consist of depictions of Chinese emperors and their attendants, starting from folio 254b and continuing to folio 271a. In fifty-five pages (from fol. 301a to fol. 328a), more than three hundred depictions of the Frankish popes and kings can be found.28 That Hazine 1654 had more paintings is confirmed by paint-stains in the middle of folio 345a.29 The illustration should have portrayed a scene from the life of Buddha. Unlike the earlier paintings in the Arabic copy of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh, all the miniatures of Hazine 1654 are rectangles that stretch across the text. The only exception is the small painting “The encounter of Jacob and his family with Joseph and the grandees of Egypt,” which is placed at the lower left corner of the written area of folio 9a. When I examined the manuscript carefully, it became clear that nearly all the empty places left for narrative paintings had been illustrated in the last decades of the fourteenth century. These clumsily executed miniatures were worked by an unskilled artist. Basil Gray was the first scholar who attributed a group of the paintings of the manuscript to about 1390 and somewhere during the reign of Sultan Ahmad Jalayir.30 A comparison between these miniatures and the Jalayirid paintings confirms his hypothesis. The elongated human ‫ن‬

‫�ف‬

‫خ‬

‫ق‬

‫��س� ت‬ �‫ ج��می�� ا ورا � ج��ا �م ا � ت�ل�وا ری� ب��ع�د د ��سی��ص�د �ه�� ت��ا د پ� ج‬. 26 The note reads: � � ‫ع‬ ‫ع‬ 27 For the list of illustrations, see Ghiasian, “Topkapı manuscript.” 28 Inal’s description of the number of illustrations of the manuscript, which has been referred to by other scholars, is incorrect. She writes, “There are 118 miniatures of historical scenes and 78 pages of portraits of the Chinese emperors.” See Inal, “Some miniatures,” 165; Idem, “Fourteenth-century miniatures,” 34; and Blair, Compendium of chronicles, 28. In 1992, she states that the first three paintings are Ilkhanid in style and “the other 195 miniatures were all painted later.” Inal, “Miniatures in historical manuscripts,” 103. 29 Folio 345a is reproduced by Jahn, Rashīd-al-Dīn’s history of India, 84. 30 Gray, “History of miniature painting,” 96, 116–17. However, Basil Gray’s attempt at dating the vast majority of the illustrations of the manuscript is untenable. He has attributed most of the paintings, including all twenty-three miniatures of the section on the Indians, to the late fourteenth century without considering the Shahrukhi addition to the manuscript. Moreover, he dated the paintings on two sides of the fifth folio to “one generation later in date than that in the colophon.” He believes that the style of the first three paintings of Hazine 1654 and the Arabic codex is not the same: “the drapery is more softly drawn and the use of silver for shading avoided.” See “Editor’s note,” in Rice, Illustrations to the world history, 35, no. 8. As Sheila Blair’s studies demonstrate, there was a considerable decrease in quality of the manuscripts between the Arabic and the Persian copies of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh produced at Rashid al-Din’s scriptorium. She has shown that these

Book Production under Shahrukh

figures in a group of the paintings of Hazine 1654 have become like decorative puppets, which resemble the illustrations to Nasr-Allah Munshi’s Kalila va Dimna copied at Baghdad in 794/1392, now in the Bibliothèque Nationale (Suppl. pers. 913).31 Possibly the book was transferred to Herat in one of the three campaigns of Shahrukh to Azarbaijan. Although the manuscript carries no clear evidence of coming from the royal workshop of Shahrukh, stylistic analysis of a group of its illustrations proves that it was refurbished under his patronage. A group of paintings of the manuscript is modeled after the illustrations to the Arabic codex of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh.32 This suggests that their painter had undoubtedly seen the Arabic codex, which was in the possession of Shahrukh. Moreover, several depictions of the Chinese emperors in Hazine 1654 are duplication of the images existing in Hazine 1653 and the dispersed manuscript.33 At the beginning of the fifteenth century, several folios in different chapters of the manuscript must have been missing. The royal library of Shahrukh completed the missing parts of the manuscript by inserting new pages, including the current folios 1–4, 22–39 and 344–48. These folios are written in a naskh very similar to the calligraphy of the Rashidi folios. However, the use of nastaʿliq script in some of the captions of these folios proves that these papers do not belong to Rashid al-Din’s scriptorium, because this script was invented at the end of the fourteenth century.34 The first four folios of the manuscript, which are unillustrated, are productions of Shahrukh’s kitabkhana. The only surviving Rashidi paintings of the manuscript are three illustrations on two sides of the fifth folio: “Enthronement of Jamshid”, “Zahhak enthroned” and “Abraham in the fire”. These three episodes are also illustrated in the Arabic codex of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh.35 Although some folios at the beginning of the Arabic codex are missing, it contains four changes can be considered as ways to reduce expenses and speed up production. Blair, “Writing and illustrating,” 63. 31 For this manuscript, see Gray, “History of miniature painting,” 114, pl. xxix; and Richard, Splendeurs Persanes, 72. 32 Some comparative paintings are published by Inal, “Some miniatures,” figs. 3–17. 33 Of the examples of these duplicated images, two consecutive folios of the dispersed manuscript can be mentioned. These folios are depictions of the first to the sixth mythological Chinese emperors. See Black & Saidi, Islamic manuscripts, no. 25 (or Christie’s Auction, 6 October 2009, lot 56); and Bonhams Auction, 6 October 2008, lot 6. The same depictions can be found in Hazine 1654 fol. 254b and Hazine 1653 fol. 394b. For the reproduction of the latter folio, see Jahn, Die Chinageschichte, pl. 7. 34 Faza‌ʾili, Atlas-i khatt, 444–45; and Schimmel, Calligraphy and Islamic culture, 29–30. 35 This folio is housed in the Edinburgh University Library. See Rice, Illustrations to the world history, nos. 5–7.

Chapter 2

paintings before the “Enthronement of Jamshid.”36 Since there are many overlaps in illustrated episodes of different copies of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh produced at Rashid al-Din’s scriptorium, it can be estimated that Hazine 1654 originally had at least seven Rashidi paintings. In the process of completion of the manuscript, Shahrukh’s kitabkhana decided to increase the quality of some of its illustrations. As a result, several paintings of the manuscript were partly restored, mostly in the location of the faces of important personages and decorative motifs of their garments. The most important restoration among this group of paintings is the restoration of the figure of Abraham on folio 5b, which originally had been painted in Rashid al-Din’s scriptorium. The more advanced phase of enhancing the quality of the manuscript is the overpainting of several fourteenth-century miniatures by new illustrations. This group of Shahrukhi paintings, which can be found in different sections of the manuscript, has covered the earlier miniatures completely.37 The traces of fourteenth-century miniatures beneath some of the illustrations of this group are clearly visible. The last group of Shahrukhi pictures of the manuscript includes those miniatures that were painted on fifteenth-century papers added in Shahrukh’s workshop. The initial shamsa on folio 1a containing the dedicatory inscription of Farhad Khan Qaramanlu (d. 1599) indicates that the manuscript was refurbished again in the Safavid period.38 Farhad Khan was a great Qizilbash Amir of Shah ʿAbbas I (r. 1588–1629), who was installed as governor of Fars in 1003/1594–95, of Shiraz in 1004/1595–96, and of Astarabad and Mazandaran in 10071598–99.39 Under the patronage of Farhad Khan, the book was remargined with thick pinkish papers and eight illuminated ʿunwans were added to it.40 Remargination of the manuscript resulted in the loss of original catchwords. In 1598, Farhad Khan, who fell out of favour with Shah ʿAbbas I, was murdered and his properties were confiscated.41 Shah ʿAbbas may have included the 36 These four illustrations, which are in the Edinburgh University Library, are “The city of Iram” (fol. 1a), “The prophet Salih” (fol. 1b), “Hushang enthroned” (fol. 2a), and “Tahmuras enthroned” (fol. 2b). For their reproduction, see Rice, Illustrations to the world history, nos. 1–4. 37 For the publication of some examples, see Ghiasian, “Topkapı manuscript.” 38 The shamsa is published by Çağman & Tanındı, “Remarks on some manuscripts,” fig. 11. 39 Eskandar Beg Monshi, History of Shah ʿAbbas, vol. 2, 674, 690, 748–49. For a discussion on Farhad Khan, see Matthee, “Farhād Khan Qaramānlū.” 40 For the reproductions of two of these illuminated ʿunwans, see Çağman & Tanındı, “Remarks on some manuscripts,” figs. 12–13. 41 Eskandar Beg Monshi, History of Shah ʿAbbas, vol. 2, 760–62.

Book Production under Shahrukh

manuscript in his own donations of 1607–8 to the shrine of Shaykh Safi al-Din in Ardabil.42 The manuscript carries imprints of thirty-five waqf seals of the shrine of Shaykh Safi al-Din. All seals were gilded over, but some of them remain legible. They are dated 1017/1608–9 and read “waqf astana-yi mutabarraka-yi safiyya-yi safaviyya.” Perhaps the book was transferred to Istanbul during the reign of ʿOsman II (r. 1618–22) because at that time, the Ottoman army conquered Ardabil and looted all its treasures.43 In the Ottoman court, one of the Shahrukhi paintings of the manuscript (“Sultan Sanjar enthroned,” fol. 209b) was partly overpainted and the costumes of the personages were changed to resemble Ottoman garments. The golden seal of Sultan Abdülhamid II (r. 1876–1909) on the red binding indicates that the manuscript was bound at the Yıldız Palace in Istanbul. However, a trace of the original Safavid binding flap is visible on folio 129a. 4 Nizami’s Khamsa of 835/1431 in the Hermitage Museum While the majority of the manuscripts produced for Shahrukh are historical in content, an example of lyrical poetry remains in the Hermitage Museum. A copy of Nizami’s Khamsa (VR-1000) is the only known “securely documented” illustrated poetical book produced for Shahrukh.44 According to the colophon, it was copied for Shahrukh in the dar al-saltana of Herat, on 10 Rabiʿ II 835/25 December 1431 by the hand of the calligrapher Mahmud.45 Written in nastaʿliq, the manuscript consists of 502 folios but no binding, measuring 237 × 137 mm. The written surface of 170 × 87 mm carries the text in three columns, two horizontal with twenty-three lines, and one diagonal and narrower in sixteen lines. Presently the manuscript contains thirty-eight paintings,46 and according to the studies of Adel Adamova, it had originally thirty-nine illustrations in the course of 503 folios.47 The headpieces and medallions of the manuscript are richly illuminated with foliate designs dominated in lapis lazuli and 42 For the donations of Shah ʿAbbas to the Shrine of Shaykh Safi al-Din, see Canby, Shah ʿAbbas, 120–23. 43 Çağman & Tanındı, “Remarks on some manuscripts,” 140. 44 Adamova, “Repetition of compositions,” 67. 45 The colophon is published by Adamova, Persian manuscripts, 46. 46 For colour reproduction of the paintings of the manuscript, see Adamova, Persidskaja živopis’, cat. no. 1; and Idem, Persian manuscripts, 62–129. 47 The lost folio was illustrated with the episode of the “Prophet Muhammad’s ascension.” Adamova, “Hermitage manuscript,” 56–57.

Chapter 2

gold – typical of early fifteenth-century illuminations. Careful examination by Adel Adamova reveal that some parts of the paintings, mostly the faces and the hands of personages, were restored or partly overpainted in the eighteenth and the nineteenth centuries.48 The illustrations to the Khamsa of 835/1431 follow the iconography of Nizami’s Khamsa manuscripts that had been produced at the end of the fourteenth century and the beginning of the fifteenth century in Baghdad, Tabriz, and Shiraz. Eleven illustrations of the Hermitage Khamsa have a counterpart in the British Library Anthology of 813–14/1410–11 (Add. 27261), and three of them are exact copies of their prototypes.49 Adel Adamova has correctly stated that imitation and “repetition of compositions” was a common tradition in the medieval Persian painting, showing the artist’s respect for his predecessors and his merit to compare with earlier masters.50 This led her to two important conclusions about the Timurid manuscripts: “one is that every royal manuscript has several illustrations copied from older works, of which three are more or less exact copies. The second is that in all of them there are always one or two, and sometimes more, miniatures showing new subjects.”51 The Khamsa of 835/1431 also helped to the establishment of the classical iconography of Nizami’s Khamsa illustrations. Perhaps some compositions of this manuscript were invented by the artist and later became popular.52 In his discussion, Basil Robinson pointed out the resemblance of the paintings of this manuscript with those produced for Baysunghur, and commented that one of its miniatures, “Khusraw at Shirin’s Castle,” served as a prototype for the depiction of the same episode in the Turkman style of later in the century.53

48 Adamova, “Repetition of compositions,” 67; and Idem, “Hermitage manuscript,” 56–58. 49 Adamova, “Repetition of compositions,” 67. The British Library anthology was prepared for Iskandar Sultan the governor of Shiraz. After his rebellion, Iskandar Sultan fell from power in 816/1414 and his treasures including exquisite manuscripts were transferred to Herat by Shahrukh. For the British Library anthology, see Gray, Persian painting, 69–72; Titley, Miniatures from Persian manuscripts, 39; Gray, “School of Shiraz,” 136; and Lentz & Lowry, Timur and the princely vision, 116. 50 Adamova, “Repetition of compositions,” 73–74. 51 Ibid., 72. 52 Ibid., 69–70. 53 Robinson, Descriptive catalogue, 13.

Book Production under Shahrukh

5 Nizami’s Khamsa Known as the Cartier Khamsa This copy of Nizami’s Khamsa remained in Iran until the beginning of the twentieth century, and then found its way to Paris, where it was purchased by Louis Cartier. In the years between 1921 and 1934, he lent the manuscript to exhibitions in Paris, London, and New York.54 After 1934, there was no sign of it until its presentation at the Bonhams auction in 1996.55 Presently the manuscript contains 290 folios with eleven squarish paintings, but originally it had more illustrations.56 The imprint of Shahrukh’s seal can be found on fol. 287b.57 In stylistic terms, the paintings of the manuscript resemble the Hermitage Khamsa. Written in nastaʿliq, each folio of the codex measures 262 × 165 mm. Twenty-five lines of text in four columns have occupied the written surface of 184 × 133 mm. The manuscript is not dated, but as Eleanor Sims reports, the seals of seven different owners including that of Shahrukh can be found on folio 287b.58 The manuscript has eight illuminated pages: the opening shamsa, a double-page frontispiece, and five illuminated ʿunwans for each subsequent poem. Unfortunately, the dedicatory inscription inside the shamsa on folio 1a is covered by a polished gold layer. Eleanor Sims has read the inscription: “kitab … bi-ras[m] … mawlana … [the book … by order … Mawlana].”59 At this stage, nothing can be said about the dedicatory inscription and it must await a fuller study. 6

Jamiʿ al-tawarikh of the Bibliothèque Nationale

The famous manuscript of Rashid al-Din’s Jamiʿ al-tawarikh in Paris (Suppl. pers. 1113) is a copy of the first volume of this universal history containing the 54 These exhibitions were an exhibition of Persian painting at the Musée des Arts Décoratifs in Paris (1912), the exhibition of Persian Art at Burlington House in London (1931), and a loan-exhibition at the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York (October 1933–January 1934). Sims, “Timurid manuscript,” 58. 55 Ibid., 58. 56 The manuscript has text-lacunae in nine places. Eleanor Sims has argued that the paintstains on folio 3b show that an illustrated folio (most likely the Prophet Muhammad’s ascension) has been lost. Sims, “Timurid manuscript,” 67. For the list of illustrations of the manuscript and their colour reproduction, see Ibid. 57 Catalogue of the international exhibition, case 539A; Binyon et al., Persian miniature painting, 65; Robinson, Descriptive catalogue, 12; and Sims, “Timurid manuscript,” 62. 58 Ibid., 58. 59 Ibid., 59.

Chapter 2

history of Mongols from Chingiz Khan up to the reign of Ghazan Khan.60 The manuscript originally had approximately four hundred folios, but presently there are numerous gaps in the text, and it bears 242 leaves, each folio measuring 320 × 230 mm. In my opinion, the 113 illustrations of the manuscript are not works of a single painter and some different manners of executions can be seen.61 In its current state, the manuscript has no colophon but the imprint of Shahrukh’s library seal can be found on the margin of folio 191a. Another clue for placing it is the name of a painter-poet in the inscription of one of its miniatures. Francis Richard has read the name of Sayf al-Vahidi in the inscription of a double-page miniature portraying the siege of Baghdad by the army of Hulagu Khan (r. 1256–1265) in 1258. The inscription, which adorns the walls of the city, contains a poem in five bayts describing the glory of Baghdad and its beauties.62 The verses followed by the name of its author Sayf al-Vahidi. Since the name of this person appears in the ʿarza-dasht of Jaʿfar Tabrizi, Francis Richard attributed these paintings to Sayf al-Vahidi and placed the manuscript to the workshop of Baysunghur.63 In contrast to Francis Richard’s attribution, Richard Ettinghausen, Basil Gray, Ernst Grube and Eleanor Sims have linked the manuscript to the workshop of Shahrukh.64 It seems that the manuscript cannot be attributed to Baysunghur’s atelier. The presence of the name of Sayf al-Vahidi in the report of Jaʿfar Tabrizi does not mean that he was a painter who had worked only for Baysunghur. Meanwhile, we have at least two examples of the artists who worked for both Shahrukh and Baysunghur: the painter Mawlana Khalil and the calligrapher Maʿruf. In addition, regarding the style, quality of the illustrations, and calligraphy, the manuscript is in clear contrast to the highly refined quality of the manuscripts produced under Baysunghur’s patronage.65 Stylistically, the majority of its illustrations resemble the paintings in historical manuscripts made for Shahrukh. 60 For the discussions of this manuscript, see Stchoukine, Manuscrits Tîmûrides, 48–51, pls. xlix–lii; Gray, “An unknown fragment;” Idem, Persian painting, 81; Richard, “Un des peintres;” Idem, Splendeurs Persanes, 76; and Rührdanz, “Illustrationen zu Rašīd al-Dīns.” The manuscript is accessible online in the following link: http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b8427170s.r=persan+1113.langFR (last accessed April 2017). 61 For a list of the illustrations of the manuscript, see Richard, “Un des peintres,” 314–19. 62 For the poem, see Ibid., 311. 63 Richard, Splendeurs Persanes, 76; and Idem, “Un des peintres,” 312–13. 64 Ettinghausen, “An illuminated manuscript,” 37; Gray, Persian painting, 81; and Grube & Sims, “School of Herat,” 150. 65 For book production under the patronage of Baysunghur, see Grube & Sims, “School of Herat;” Lentz, “Painting at Herat;” and Lentz & Lowry, Timur and the princely vision.

Book Production under Shahrukh

7 Miʿrajnama and Tazkirat al-awliya‌ʾ of the Bibliothèque Nationale During the fourth decade of the fifteenth century, a copy of Miʿrajnama (“Book of Ascension”) was transcribed in the city of Herat.66 Some decades later, the manuscript travelled westward to the Topkapı Palace in Istanbul where a Frenchman purchased it at a low price in 1672 and transferred it to Paris. This illustrated manuscript, which is preserved in the Bibliothèque Nationale de France (Suppl. turc 190), is the “most lavish artistic attempt to convey the miʿraj story in its entirety.”67 As Maria Eva Subtelny has explained, the text of this Miʿrajnama preserves a much earlier Persian version of the Prophet’s ascension that was originally used as a missionary device for proselytizing among the Persian-speaking Jews.68 This copy of Miʿrajnama is not dated, but it is bound together with a copy of Tazkirat al-awliya‌ʾ (“Biographies of the Saints”) by Farid al-Din ʿAttar (d. 1220) in the same volume. The colophon of the Tazkirat al-awliya‌ʾ records that it was completed in Herat in the year 840 of Hijra, concurrent with the Year of Horse (in the Turco-Mongolian animal calendar) on 10 Jumada II (21 December 1436) by the hand of Hari-Malik Bakhshi.69 Since the scripts of both parts seem to be by the same hand, and the papers, the rulings, and illuminated ʿunwans are similar, it is believed that the Miʿrajnama was copied in the same place around the same time.70 The manuscript was composed in Chaghatay Turkish and transcribed in Uighur script by Hari-Malik Bakhshi around the year 840/1436– 37. Hari-Malik Bakhshi was an amir who served in several divans in Herat and Samarqand and transcribed some texts in Uighur script.71 He was also the official ambassador of Ulugh Beg in the Timurid mission to China in 1419–22.72 Since Baysunghur had died in 1434, it can be assumed that the most probable candidate for the patronage of this magnum opus in the city of Herat is Shahrukh. Significantly, this manuscript portrays both Shahrukh’s Islamizing policies and his connections with the Chingizid house. It contains two of the most popular religious texts of the Timurid period – the Miʿrajnama and the 66 For detailed discussions of this manuscript, see Gruber, “Prophet Muhammad;” Idem, Timurid book; and Subtelny, “Jews at the edge of the world.” 67 Gruber, Timurid book, 251. 68 Subtelny, “Jews at the edge of the world.” 69 Ibid., 51, 67 no. 4. 70 Gruber, Timurid book, 266. 71 For a discussion of Hari-Malik Bakhshi’s career and a surviving formal decree written by him at the request of Shahrukh, see Gruber, Timurid book, 266–67. For a detailed study of the “Bakhshi” (the secretaries and scribes proficient in Turkish languages), see Esin, “Bakhshi.” 72 Gruber, Timurid book, 266.

Chapter 2

Tazkirat al-awliya‌ʾ. The choice of Chaghatay language and Uighur script for this religious manuscript allowed Shahrukh to pursue his policies to spread Islam, targeting audiences such as his retinue, and Central Asian or Chinese envoys.73 The Miʿrajnama comprises the first thirty-five folios of the manuscript, each folio measuring 340 by 252 mm. Originally, it possessed sixty-four illustrations,74 but nowadays it contains sixty paintings with an illuminated ʿunwan.75 The second part, Tazkirat al-awliya‌ʾ, has been copied on 196 folios carrying no painting but three beautifully illuminated pages. Above each painting, on top of the folio, there are Arabic captions written in gold and outlined in black that describe the action of the pictures. In the sixteenth century, some Ottoman annotations translating the Arabic captions as well as twenty-five new folios were added to the manuscript. Dominated in gold and lapis lazuli, most of the illustrations of the manuscript have squarish compositions that recall the picture format of the Kulliyat-i tarikhi. In her detailed discussion of this manuscript, Christiane Gruber has argued for the pictorial impacts of Sino-Buddhist elements on the paintings.76 The Paris Miʿrajnama served as a model for a copy of Nahj al-faradis (“Pathway to the Heavens”), which was produced for Shahrukh’s successor, Abu Saʿid Guregen (r. 1451–1469) around 1465.77 The latter manuscript, which is in a private collection, looks almost like a duplicate copy of its prototype. Recently, this copy of the Nahj al-faradis has been dismounted, and three of its illustrated leaves can be found in the David Collection in Copenhagen.78

73 Ibid., 269. 74 Sims, “Nahj al-Faradis,” 93. 75 All these paintings and the illuminated ʿunwan are published in Séguy, Miraculous journey. 76 Gruber, Timurid book, 269–74, 313–26. 77 For a discussion of this manuscript, see Sims, “Nahj al-Faradis.” 78 For reproduction of these folios, which are illustrated with five paintings, see Ibid., figs. 13, 15, 19, 21, 27.

Chapter 3

Majmaʿ al-tawarikh and Its Surviving Illustrated Copies 1

The Life of Hafiz-i Abru

There is a difference of opinion about the name and birthplace of the famous Timurid historian and geographer, Hafiz-i Abru.1 However, clear evidence to resolve this controversy survives in the colophon of a copy of the Majmaʿ altawarikh in the Topkapı Sarayı Library (Hazine 1653) that is penned by Hafiz-i Abru. He has written his full name as follows: “ ʿAbd-Allah ibn Lutf-Allah ibn ʿAbd al-Rashid, al-Bihdadini by lineage, and al-Harawi by birth, who is called Hafiz-i Abru.”2 This statement makes clear that he was originally from Bihdadin, one of the villages of Khwaf – located about 250 km south of Mashhad – but he was born in Herat. Although there are some conjectures, the explanation of his epithet, Hafiz-i Abru, is uncertain. The word “hafiz” literally meaning “guardian,” is a term used by Muslims for someone who has memorized the Qurʾan or hadith, and the word “abru” in Persian means “eyebrow.” Perhaps Iʿtimad al-Saltana (d. 1896) was the first one who spoke about the meaning of Hafiz-i Abru’s epithet. He says, “Some believe that Hafiz-i Abru’s beautiful unibrow made him famous with this epithet … and the appellation of hafiz was for the reason that he had memorized Qurʾan or one thousand hadiths.”3 Hafiz-i Abru was educated at Hamadan in western Persia, and according to his own statement, in 782/1380–81 became a member of Timur’s entourage,4 where he became renowned as a skilled chess player. As he recorded in his book on geography, he traveled widely to various lands from Qipchaq steppe and India to the Levant and Rum.5 He was an intimate participant in the most important events of the early Timurid period. He accompanied Timur on several of his military expeditions, including the “Three Years’ Campaign,” 1 Mudarrisi Zanjani, “Muqaddima-yi musahhih,” 5–7; Azka‌ʾi, Tarikhnigaran, 379; Haj Sayyed Javadi, “Muqaddima-yi musahhih,” xiii–xiv; and Subtelny & Melville, “Ḥāfeẓ-e Abru,” 507. 2 Hazine 1653, fol. 148a. The manuscript and its colophons have been discussed in the remainder of this chapter. 3 Bayani, “Zindigani va athar,” iv–v; and Haj Sayyed Javadi, “Muqaddima-yi musahhih,” xiv–xv. 4 Mudarrisi Zanjani, “Muqaddima-yi musahhih,” 8. 5 Bayani, “Zindigani va athar,” viii; and Sajjādī, “Pishguftar-i musahhih,” 17.

Chapter 3

782–83/1386–88, and the “Seven Years’ Campaign,” 802–7/1399–1404.6 Although he served for a time as a government official in Hawiza, apparently his role under Timur was a boon companion (nadim).7 After Timur’s death, he joined the court of Shahrukh and settled down in Herat for the remainder of his life. He largely accompanied Shahrukh, and thus his works offer detailed information of Shahrukh’s movements.8 He was a participant and a real supporter of Shahrukh in the first campaign to Azarbaijan,9 and finally he died at Zanjan while returning with Shahrukh’s cavalcade from his second Azarbaijan campaign. Shahrukh, who showed him considerable favour, ordered him to be buried near the tomb of the eleventh-century Sufi Shaykh Abu al-Faraj Zanjani. In his Mujmal-i Fasihi (“Fasih’s Compendium”) Fasih-i Khwafi (d. ca. 1442) has an obituary notice of Hafiz-i Abru under the events of the year 833/1429–1430 as follows:10 Death of Mawlana Shihab al-Din ʿAbd-Allah of Khwaf, known as Hafiz-i Abru, the compiler of the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh al-sultani (“Royal Compendium of Histories”) on Sunday the third of Shawwal, at [the village of] Sarcham, at the time of the return of His Supreme and Imperial Majesty [Shahrukh] from Azarbaijan. He is buried at Zanjan near the tomb of the divine Shaykh Akhi Abu al-Faraj Zanjani in the year 833.11 Like other prominent thinkers of medieval Islam, Hafiz-i Abru was familiar with different branches of science and, directly or indirectly, he was acquainted with the works of earlier writers such as the Ikhwan al-Safa (“Brethren of Purity”), al-Farabi (d. ca. 950), Ibn Sina (d. 1037), Abu Rayhan al-Biruni (d. 1048) and Nasir al-Din Tusi (d. 1274).12 Like them, he accepted the belief that the entire universe is a manifestation of divine wisdom, and that nothing is created

6 Browne, Literary history, 425; and Woods, “Rise of Tīmūrid historiography,” 96. The planned seven-year campaign was completed in less than five years. 7 Lambton, “Early Timurid theories,” 1, no. 2; and Subtelny & Melville, “Ḥāfeẓ-e Abru,” 507. 8 Melville, “Itineraries of Shāhrukh,” 286. 9 Woods, Aqquyunlu, 49. 10 While the statement of Fasih-i Khwafi seems to be more accurate, Khwandmir and ʿAbd al-Razzaq Samarqandi gave the date of Hafiz-i Abru’s death as 834/1430–31. Haj Sayyed Javadi, “Muqaddima-yi musahhih,” xxi–xxii. 11 Browne, Literary history, 425; and Haj Sayyed Javadi, “Muqaddima-yi musahhih,” xxii. Nowadays, the shrine of Abu al-Faraj Zanjani has been completely destroyed, but it was located in north-west of the present-day Inqilab square of the city of Zanjan. Haj Sayyed Javadi, “Muqaddima-yi musahhih,” xxiii. 12 Lambton, “Early Timurid theories,” 2.

Majma ʿ al-tawarikh and Its Surviving Illustrated Copies

without a purpose, and so he endeavoured to explain the injustices of contemporary society.13 In his theory of state, Hafiz-i Abru discerned two types of kingdom – righteous government (siyasat-i fadila) and imperfect government (siyasat-i naqisa). The aim of the former, which was called imamat, was to carry out good works such as the establishment of justice, strengthening of religion, enjoining of truth, initiation of charitable foundations, development of the state, and protection of the people. The aim of imperfect government, which was called subjection (taghallub), was to pursue corporeal enjoyments, confiscation of property, violence, depravity, debauchery, injustice and tyranny.14 Hafiz-i Abru also sought to explain the existence of unrighteous kings, and perhaps acceptance of their legitimacy, by referring to the inscrutability of the will of God and His favour.15 In his point of view, theology and history were inseparably intertwined, and behind the historical events lay a background of religion and faith. Moreover, in his viewpoint the legitimacy of the rulers was also based on the shariʿa. Hafiz-i Abru remains the first Timurid historiographer from eastern Persia whose works have survived.16 He consciously followed Rashid al-Din’s career in the earlier century, for he says, “From a hundred years ago, no one has composed a book in history containing the events of all tribes, and if has, it has not been received by us.”17 Apparently, all his historical and geographical works were commissioned under the patronage of Shahrukh. His method of usage of the works of earlier authors and his own former research is a fascinating example of the working manner of a Persian historiographer of medieval period.18 It is remarkable that he not only recorded events on the direct authority of Timur and Shahrukh, but made use of archival documents in his works.19 Significantly, unlike the majority of Persian historiographers, he has brought a list of his sources at the beginning of every work.20 His works remain the best source for the events of the first half of the reign of Shahrukh. His Zubdat al-tawarikh (“Cream of Chronicles”) was the main source for the Matlaʿ al-saʿdayn by the author’s younger contemporary ʿAbd al-Razzaq Samarqandi,21 13 Ibid., 2. 14 Bağdat 282, fol. 2b; and Lambton, “Early Timurid theories,” 5. 15 Ibid., 3. 16 Woods, “Rise of Tīmūrid historiography,” 96. 17 Mudarrisi Zanjani, “Muqaddima-yi musahhih,” 14. 18 Tauer, “Ḥāfiẓ-i Abrū,” 58. 19 Woods, “Rise of Tīmūrid historiography,” 97. 20 Mohaddes, “Muqaddima-yi musahhih,” xv. 21 Tauer, “Ḥāfiẓ-i Abrū,” 58.

Chapter 3

and a source of major importance for many later chroniclers like Mirkhwand (d. 1498) and Khwandmir. 2

Hafiz-i Abru’s Works

Several historical and historico-geographical works of Hafiz-i Abru are known to us. The chronology of his works has been established by Felix Tauer as outlined below.22 – Dhayl-i Jamiʿ al-tawarikh, an anonymous continuation of the universal history of Rashid al-Din consisting of the events of the reigns of Uljaytu and Abu Saʿid Bahadur (from 703/1304 to 736/1335), which is attributed to Hafiz-i Abru.23 Although this work was based on Jamal al-Din Kashani’s history of Uljaytu, Hamd-Allah Mustawfi’s Zafarnama and Sayf ibn Muhammad Harawi’s Tarikhnama-yi Herat (“History of Herat”), it encompasses a considerable amount of unparalleled information not found elsewhere.24 – Dhayl-i Zafarnama-yi Shami, a continuation of Nizam al-Din Shami’s Zafarnama from Ramadan 806/March 1404 up to Timur’s death in Shaʿban 807/February 1405 that was completed in 814/1412 on the orders of Shahrukh.25 – Tarikh-i Shahrukhi (“Shahrukh’s History”), a history of the reign of Shahrukh up to the year 816/1413–14, which later Hafiz-i Abru incorporated it into his Majmuʿa and Zubdat al-tawarikh.26 – Jughrafiya-yi Hafiz-i Abru (“Hafiz-i Abru’s Geography”) or Tarikh-i Hafiz-i Abru, an untitled universal historico-geographical work commissioned by Shahrukh in 817/1414, and extending to approximately 823/1420.27 It is a valuable source on history and geography of different regions of Persia and Transoxiana. Apparently, this work and the Majmuʿa have been undertaken at the same time. It was originally a compilation and translation of some 22 Tauer, “Vorbericht über die Edition;” Idem, “Beiträge zur Kenntnis;” and Idem, “Ḥāfiẓ-i Abrū.” For the translated or edited versions of Hafiz-i Abru’s works, see Subtelny & Melville, “Ḥāfeẓ-e Abru,” 508. 23 Tauer, “Beiträge zur Kenntnis,” 146–47; Idem, “Ḥāfiẓ-i Abrū,” 57; Woods, “Rise of Tīmūrid historiography,” 96; and Subtelny & Melville, “Ḥāfeẓ-e Abru,” 507–8. 24 Ibid., 508–9. 25 Tauer, “Beiträge zur Kenntnis,” 146–47; Idem, “Ḥāfiẓ-i Abrū,” 57; Woods, “Rise of Tīmūrid historiography,” 96; and Subtelny & Melville, “Ḥāfeẓ-e Abru,” 508. 26 Tauer, “Beiträge zur Kenntnis,” 146–47; Idem, “Ḥāfiẓ-i Abrū,” 57; Woods, “Rise of Tīmūrid historiography,” 96; and Subtelny & Melville, “Ḥāfeẓ-e Abru,” 508. 27 Tauer, “Ḥāfiẓ-i Abrū,” 57; Woods, “Rise of Tīmūrid historiography,” 96; and Subtelny & Melville, “Ḥāfeẓ-e Abru,” 508. For a discussion of Hafiz-i Abru’s Jughrafiya, see Melville, “Mongol and Timurid periods,” 171–76.

Majma ʿ al-tawarikh and Its Surviving Illustrated Copies

earlier sources such as Ibn Khurdadhbih’s Masalik al-mamalik (“The Roads of the Kingdoms”), Muhammad ibn Yahya’s Suwar al-aqalim (“Images of the Climates”), and Hamd-Allah Mustawfi’s Nuzhat al-qulub (“Pleasure of the Hearts”).28 – Majmuʿa-yi Hafiz-i Abru, a compilation of historical works commissioned by Shahrukh in 820/1417–18, which contains: an introduction and a list of contents; Balʿami’s translation of Tarikh-i Tabari and its continuation by Hafiz-i Abru up to events of the year 656/1258; an introduction to Rashid al-Din’s Jamiʿ al-tawarikh and a list of its contents by Hafiz-i Abru; Rashid alDin’s Jamiʿ al-tawarikh; a history of the Kart dynasty by Hafiz-i Abru; four accounts on Tughay-Timur, Amir Vali, the Sarbadarids and Amir Arghunshah by Hafiz-i Abru; continuation of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh, consisting of the events in Azarbaijan and Arabic Iraq in the years 703–95/1304–93; a history of the Muzaffarids by Hafiz-i Abru; Shami’s Zafarnama and its continuation by Hafiz-i Abru; and a history of Shahrukh’s reign written by Hafiz-i Abru to Rabiʿ II 819/May 1416.29 – Majmaʿ al-tawarikh [al-sultani], a universal history from the time of creation up to the failed assassination of Shahrukh in 830/1426.30 This voluminous corpus of historical work was composed in four volumes, the last of which is a special history entitled Zubdat al-tawarikh-i Baysunghuri. 3

Majmaʿ al-tawarikh

In 826/1422–3, at the request of Baysunghur, who was partly in charge of Shahrukh’s divan, Hafiz-i Abru began to compose his most comprehensive work, a universal history titled “Majmaʿ al-tawarikh” in four massive volumes. He based his historical enterprise on some earlier works. In the introduction of the first volume, he records several sources as follows: Numerous books on hadith, [Qurʾan] commentaries, and chronicles such as Qisas al-anbiya‌ʾ, Siyar al-nabi (“Biography of the Prophet”), Muhammad ibn Jarir al-Tabari’s Tarikh, Muruj al-dhahab wa maʿadin al-jawahir (“The Meadows of Gold and Mines of Gems”) [by al-Masʿudi 28 Subtelny & Melville, “Ḥāfeẓ-e Abru,” 508. 29 Tauer, “Vorbericht über die Edition,” 251; Idem, “Beiträge zur Kenntnis,” 146–47; Idem, “Ḥāfiẓ-i Abrū,” 57; Woods, “Rise of Tīmūrid historiography,” 97; and Subtelny & Melville, “Ḥāfeẓ-e Abru,” 508–9. 30 Tauer, “Beiträge zur Kenntnis,” 146–48; Idem, “Ḥāfiẓ-i Abrū,” 58; Woods, “Rise of Tīmūrid Historiography,” 97; and Subtelny & Melville, “Ḥāfeẓ-e Abru,” 509.

Chapter 3

(d. 956)], the Shahnama of Firdawsi (d. 1020), … [Jamiʿ al-tawarikh-i] Rashidi, and Kamil [i.e. al-Kamil fi al-tarikh (“The Complete History”) by Ibn al-Athir (d. 1232–3)], and some other manuscripts.31 For the events of the time of Timur, he has mentioned Nizam al-Din Shami’s Zafarnama as a major source.32 Moreover, he adds other sources for his work: Tarikh-i yamini by ʿUtbi; al-Muʿjam fi athar muluk-i ʿajam (“Dictionary of the Persian Kings”) [by Sharaf al-Din Qazwini]; Saljuqnama (“Book of the Saljuq”) by Zahiri; Tabaqat-i nasiri by al-Juzjani; Anwar al-mawaʿiz wa alhukm fi akhbar muluk ʿajam (“The Lights of Homilies and Governance in the News of Persian Kings”); Tarikh-i jahangushay (“The History of the World Conqueror”) by ʿAta-Malik Juwayni (d. 1283); Nizam al-tawarikh (“The Ordering of Histories”) by Qazi Bayzavi; Tarikh-i Wassaf by ʿAbdAllah Abi Naʿim Firuz-Abadi; Tarikh-i guzida (“The Select History”) by Hamd-Allah Mustawfi (d. 1349); and Tarikh-i Ibn al-ʿAmid.33 Because of the comprehensiveness of the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh, no manuscript containing all its four volumes is known to us. The contents of the four volumes (rubʿ) are as follows: 1. The first volume contains a history from the time of creation up to the advent of the Prophet Muhammad, including the lives of the prophets that are narrated concurrently with the history of the kings of Persia, Arabia and Rum. A complete list of the contents of the first volume is included in Appendix 2 (fols. 1b–148a). Most recently, this volume has been edited by Muhammad Raushan.34 Appendix 1 presents a translation of the illustrated parts of the stories of the prophets. Numerous manuscripts of this volume survive in such collections as Topkapı Sarayı Library (Hazine 1653); Aya Sofya in Istanbul (3353);35 The British Library

31 Hazine 1653, fol. 3a–b. 32 Haj Sayyed Javadi, “Muqaddima-yi musahhih,” xix. 33 Mudarrisi Zanjani, “Muqaddima-yi musahhih,” 14. 34 Rashid al-Din, Jamiʿ al-tawarikh: Tarikh-i Iran va Islam, vol. 1. The complicated history of Hazine 1653 has confused several scholars, and as Charles Melville has correctly mentioned, Raushan’s edition (the first volume) is not Rashid al-Din’s Jamiʿ al-tawarikh. See Melville, “Rashīd al-Dīn and the Shāhnāmeh,” 205–7. I am most grateful to Charles Melville for drawing my attention to Raushan’s edition. 35 Tauer, “Les manuscrits persans,” 100, no. 36.

Majma ʿ al-tawarikh and Its Surviving Illustrated Copies

(Or. 2774);36 Institute of Oriental Languages in Saint Petersburg (273);37 Bibliothèque Nationale (Suppl. pers. 160);38 Library of Iran Parliament (9447 and 7957); National Library of Iran (F 92, 5–11685, and 5–11575);39 and National Museum of Iran (3723). In addition, a famous illustrated copy of this volume, which is dealt with in the remainder of this chapter, is widely dispersed. The second volume deals with the life of the Prophet and the history of the Caliphate until the extinction of the ʿAbbasid dynasty in 1258. This volume of the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh has not been edited. Several manuscripts of the second volume are known in the following collections: Cambridge University Library (G. 9);40 Aya Sofya (3035);41 Revan Köşkü in Istanbul (1529);42 and the Library of Iran Parliament (B 257). The third volume starting from the history of the Saffarid dynasty deals with the history of the Saljuqs and Mongols until the death of last Ilkhanid ruler, Abu Saʿid Bahadur in 1335. Of the third volume, only a partial edition of the section on the Ismaʿilis has been published.43 Some copies of the third volume can be found in such collections as National Library of Iran (F 2527); Malik National Museum of Iran (4163);44 and Kazi Asker Mehmed Murad Library in Istanbul (1441 b).45 Hafiz-i Abru dedicated the fourth volume to Baysunghur and named it “Zubdat al-tawarikh-i Baysunghuri” which is his most valuable work as a historical source. It consists of the events of the years between the death of Abu Saʿid Bahadur up to the failed assassination of Shahrukh in 23 Rabiʿ II 830/2 March 1427. This volume is subdivided into two parts, the first dealing with the life of Timur (736–807/1336–1405), and the second with the reign of Shahrukh. The history of Timur was based on Shami’s Zafarnama, followed by Hafiz-i Abru’s continuation to Zafarnama, and the history of Shahrukh is an enlarged redaction of Hafiz-i Abru’s Tarikh-i

36 Rieu, Supplement, 16–18, no. 27. 37 Dorn & Rost, Catalogue des manuscrits, 267–69, no. cclxviii; Rosen, Les manuscrits persans, 52–82; and Lentz, “Painting at Herat,” 130–32, and cat. 113. The initial shamsa of this manuscript indicates that it belonged to Baysunghur’s library. 38 Blochet, Catalogue des manuscrits, vol. 1, 209–10, no. 270. 39 For the manuscripts 5–11685 and 5–11575, see Ghiasian, “Historical style,” 878–83. 40 This manuscript was completed during the lifetime of its author on Friday 15 Shaʿban 829/22 June 1426. Browne, Literary history, 425; and Idem, Descriptive catalogue, 92. 41 Tauer, “Les manuscrits persans,” 100, no. 37. 42 Ibid., 102, no. 40; and Storey, Persian literature, 88. 43 Hafiz-i Abru, Majmaʿ al-tawarikh al-sultaniya. 44 Haj Sayyed Javadi, “Muqaddima-yi musahhih,” xxviii. 45 Tauer, “Les manuscrits persans,” 101, no. 39.

Chapter 3

Shahrukhi.46 Sayyed Kamal Haj Sayyed Javadi, the modern editor of the fourth volume, has identified four complete manuscripts of this volume in different collections as follows:47 Malik National Museum of Iran (4166 and 4163); Fatih Library in Istanbul (4371/1);48 and the Library of Muhammad Shafiʿ in Lahore (430/469). Since Rashid al-Din’s Jamiʿ al-tawarikh is called the “first world history,”49 Hafiz-i Abru’s enterprise can be considered as the second version of a universal chronicle produced in Persia, which is much more comprehensive than its archetype. The pre-Islamic history of the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh, for example, is approximately three times larger than the same section in Rashid al-Din’s work.50 This part of the history in the famous Jamiʿ al-tawarikh in the Topkapı (Hazine 1654) has been transcribed on fifty-one leaves (fols. 1b–51b), each folio carrying thirty-one lines of text, while in the Topkapı manuscript of the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh (Hazine 1653) it is written on 148 folios, with a text of thirty-five lines on each page. Similarly, the Islamic history of the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh is approximately four times larger than the same section in Rashid al-Din’s work. This section in the Topkapı Jamiʿ al-tawarikh (Hazine 1654) was penned on 118 leaves (fols. 51b–168a), while the Cambridge Majmaʿ al-tawarikh (G. 9) comprises 484 folios and the manuscript in the Library of Iran Parliament (B 257) consists of 560 leaves. 4

Stories of the Prophets and the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh

During the first centuries of Islam, the tales of the prophets (qisas al-anbiya‌ʾ) were the subject of numerous books. Unlike Qurʾan commentaries, which follow the structure and order of the Qurʾan, the books on the stories of the prophets are arranged in chronological order and thus usually begin with the creation of the world. Perhaps the earliest text on this topic was written by Wahb ibn Munabbih (d. ca. 732) in the first or second century of Islam, which was incorporated into the work of al-Kisa‌ʾi, probably in the second/eighth

46 Tauer, “Ḥāfiẓ-i Abrū,” 58; Woods, “Rise of Tīmūrid historiography,” 97; and Subtelny & Melville, “Ḥāfeẓ-e Abru,” 509. 47 Haj Sayyed Javadi, “Muqaddima-yi musahhih,” xxv–xxix. 48 For this manuscript, see also Tauer, “Les manuscrits persans,” 100–101. 49 Boyle, “Rashīd al-Dīn;” and Melville, “Jāmeʿ al-Tawārīḵ,” 462. 50 For the analysis of Rashid al-Din’s pre-Islamic history of Iran, see Melville, “Rashīd al-Dīn and the Shāhnāmeh.”

Majma ʿ al-tawarikh and Its Surviving Illustrated Copies

century.51 In the third/ninth century, the historian and Qurʾan commentator Muhammad ibn Jarir al-Tabari (d. 923) played a significant role in the development of the texts on the stories of the prophets.52 He wrote detailed accounts of the prophets both in his book on Qurʾan commentary ( Jamiʿ al-bayan ʿan ta‌ʾwil al-Qurʾan, popularly known as Tafsir al-Tabari) and in his book on the history of prophets and kings (Tarikh al-rusul wa al-muluk). As a Qurʾan commentator, Tabari imported the style of Islamic exegetical texts into the writing of history. In his history, each event is offered with alternative versions and each narrative is preceded by a long list of authorities (isnad). In 352/963, Tabari’s history was translated into Persian by Abu ʿAli Muhammad ibn Muhammad al-Balʿami (d. 974) at the request of the Samanid ruler Mansur ibn Nuh (r. 961–976).53 In his translation, Balʿami omitted the chains of transmitters and alternative versions of the same event, presenting a continuous and shorter text. Although Balʿami did not attempt to continue the history to his own time, his translation is not simply an abbreviation of Tabari. In fact, he added substantial information and interpretations to the original text.54 As Andrew Peaco*ck has noted, Balʿami displayed an increased interest in the stories of the prophets compared with Tabari, and he based many of his narratives on the Qurʾanic citations.55 A further version of the Qisas al-anbiya‌ʾ, which follows the earlier works, was written in Persian by Abu Ishaq Ibrahim ibn Mansur ibn Khalaf al-Nishaburi, approximately one generation after Balʿami’s work.56 In the fifth/eleventh century, Thaʿlabi (Ahmad ibn Muhammad ibn Ibrahim Abu Ishaq al-Nishaburi, d. 1035) wrote his ʿAra‌ʾis al-majalis fi qisas al-anbiya‌ʾ (“The Brides of Sessions about the Tales of the Prophets”) with similar characteristics to his massive book on Qurʾan commentary (tafsir).57 Like the texts of Tabari and Balʿami, his version of the Qisas al-anbiya‌ʾ bears elements from both Islamic exegetical literature and historiography, and different narrations of the episodes are 51 Milstein, “The manuscripts,” 7; and Brinner, “Introduction,” xviii–xix. The book of Wahb ibn Munabbih was titled Kitab al-mubtada‌ʾ wa qisas al-anbiya‌ʾ. 52 For Tabari’s career and his works, see Bosworth, “Al-Ṭabarī.” 53 Dunlop, “Balʿamī,” 984. 54 Ibid., 984; Milstein, “The manuscripts,” 9; and Peaco*ck, Mediaeval Islamic historiography, 76. 55 Ibid., 76–85. 56 Milstein, “The manuscripts,” 10–11. A copy of Nishaburi’s Qisas al-anbiya‌ʾ dated 669/1271, which ranks among the earliest surviving manuscripts of this literary genre, remains in the Bibliothèque Nationale de France (Ancien fonds 86). Blochet, Catalogue des manuscrits, vol. 1, 244, no. 361; Nagel, “Ḳiṣaṣ al-anbiyāʾ,” 180; and Yaghma‌ʾi, “Muqaddima,” xii, xvii. 57 Rippin, “Thaʿlabī,” 434.

Chapter 3

d ocumented with Qurʾanic citations and occasionally with the chains of authorities. Under Thaʿlabi, the literary genre of Qisas al-anbiya‌ʾ reached the apogee of its development, both in style and in content, at least in the Arabic language.58 From the Islamic viewpoint, the stories of the prophets and past peoples are “lessons (ʿibra) for those who understand,”59 and warning against the evil fate of disbelievers. Therefore, the Qisas al-anbiya‌ʾ became part of the books on universal history, as history was often considered as a lesson.60 Qisas al-anbiya‌ʾ as a part of universal history, which appeared earlier in Tabari’s great chronicle, constituted an important part of the works of Rashid al-Din and Hafiz-i Abru. These stories in these works are interspersed with other events, including the history of Persian kings and heroes. Compared with Rashid al-Din’s Jamiʿ altawarikh, Hafiz-i Abru has narrated the stories of the kings and the prophets in much more detail, adding more Qurʾanic citations. Nevertheless, Hafiz-i Abru’s stories of the prophets are not as comprehensive as the books are titled Qisas al-anbiya‌ʾ. Among the sources of his work, Hafiz-i Abru mentioned “Qisas al-anbiya‌ʾ and Siyar al-nabi”. In the first centuries of Islam, many books were written in both Arabic and Persian under the title Qisas al-anbiya‌ʾ and Siyar al-nabi. At least five translated, abridged or rewritten versions of Qisas al-anbiya‌ʾ exist in the Persian language.61 However, he also mentions Balʿami’s translation of Tabari’s history and the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh, which include the lives of the prophets. A comparison of the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh with other materials reveals that Balʿami’s work was a source of major importance for Hafiz-i Abru’s text on the lives of the prophets. Hafiz-i Abru himself has regarded the Tabari’s chronicle as “one of the most reliable books on history, which most of its stories were narrated from commentaries, quoting from the Qurʾan.”62 Hafiz-i Abru begins the first volume of his Majmaʿ al-tawarikh with a panegyric to Shahrukh, the reason for the book’s composition, and then a discussion on the definition of history and its usefulness. Next come the stories of the prophets, which begin with the creation of the world and Adam, the prostration of the angels, the creation of Eve, and Adam’s children. Other prophets in the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh are presented sequentially as follows: Seth, Enoch (Idris), Noah, Hud, Salih, Abraham, Ishmael, Lot, Jacob, Joseph, Job, Jethro (Shuʿayb), 58 Milstein, “The manuscripts,” 8–9. 59 Qurʾan, 3: 13. 60 Nagel, “Ḳiṣaṣ al-anbiyāʾ,” 180. 61 Milstein, “The manuscripts,” 1. 62 Bağdat 282, fol. 3b.

Majma ʿ al-tawarikh and Its Surviving Illustrated Copies

Moses and his brother Aaron, Joshua, Caleb, Ezekiel, Dhu al-Kifl, Elijah (Ilyas), Elisha (Alyasaʿ), Samuel (Ishmuʾil), David, Solomon, Isaiah (Shiʿya), Zechariah, John, Jesus and his mother Mary, Jonah and Saint George (Jirjis). It also contains accounts of other prominent figures related to the lives of the prophets, of both good and evil nature, such as Nimrod, Khizr, ʿUj, Korah, Saul and Goliath, Rehoboam, Gog and Magog, the Seven Sleepers and Samson (Shamshun). In Hafiz-i Abru’s stories of the prophets, there are hardly any names of transmitters. However, several names appear in his text such as ʿAbd-Allah ibn ʿAbbas (d. 686),63 ʿAbd-Allah ibn ʿUmar (d. 693),64 Wahb ibn Munabbih (d. 732),65 Muhammad ibn Ishaq (d. ca. 767),66 Aʿmash (d. 765–66),67 Qatada ibn Diʿama (d. 735–36),68 and al-Kulayni (d. 941).69 Hafiz-i Abru’s method of writing is that of bringing a long descriptive narrative, usually narrated from non-specified transmitters: “it has been said”, “there is a difference of opinion about…” or “some of the historians (or commentators) have said.” In some places, for instance in different locations of the story of Joseph and Zulaykha, one or more bayts of a poem concerning the content of the narrative have been employed. Occasionally, the Qurʾanic verses in Arabic are integral parts of the narrations, but in most cases, their translation or interpretation have been included before or after the verses. The text is written from a Sunni standpoint, and for this reason, there are several attempts at “Shiʿitizing” some of the surviving fifteenth-century manuscripts by their Safavid owners.70 What needs to be considered in Hafiz-i Abru’s stories of the prophets is the issue of Isra‌ʾiliyyat (i.e. “Israelitisms,” which are defined as “of Israelite origin”). It is a term in the Islamic sciences of exegesis, hadith, and history pointing to those narratives that are not found in the Qurʾan and hadith, and they 63 Hazine 1653, fols. 70a, 98b, 155a. Ibn ʿAbbas was a Qurʾan scholar and one of the companions of the Prophet. 64 Ibid., fol. 61a. 65 Ibid., fol. 70a. 66 Ibid., fols. 30b, 154a. 67 Ibid., fol. 12a. Aʿmash was the epithet of Sulayman ibn Mihran. 68 Ibid., fol. 12a. 69 Ibid., fol. 70a. His full name was Abu Jaʿfar Muhammad ibn Yaʿqub ibn Ishaq al-Kulayni. 70 In several places, the Safavid owners of the fifteenth-century copies of the Majmaʿ altawarikh have obliterated the names of the three Sunni caliphs within the text. In Hazine 1653, for example, in addition to deleting these names, the Shiʿi slogan, “ʿAli-an waliy Allah” has been added to the painting on folio 161b, and in another case, the face of Abu Bakr in the painting on folio 160b has been rubbed out. Moreover, in the Safavid copies of the book, for instance those manuscripts in the National Library of Iran, some Sunni notions including the names of caliphs have been omitted.

Chapter 3

originated from the educations of previous religions specifically the Jews.71 The earliest sources of these legends, which at times are defined as “Jewish falsehoods,”72 were a group of mostly converted Jews. When the Qurʾan was revealed to the Prophet, the early Muslims encountered numerous stories and concepts in their Book, with some of which the Jews and Christians were familiar. Where the Muslims could not find a detailed answer in the words of Qurʾan, they referred to its commentaries and oral traditions as well as information provided by the Jews. Perhaps the first book on the Israelite Lore was written by Wahb ibn Munabbih,73 and the earliest evidence of the term “Isra‌ʾiliyyat” remains in Masʿudi’s Muruj al-dhahab where he stated, “All these traditions should be treated with caution as they are of uncertain veracity.”74 In the third/ninth century, the Muslim savants had come to reject the Israelite Tales as untrustworthy narratives, because they were not considered authentic or appropriate to Islam.75 The critics believed that the Isra‌ʾiliyyat were traditions distorted by Jews because of their jealousy of the political superiority of the Muslims.76 At the end of the third/ninth century, what persuaded Tabari to include in his work numerous Israelite narratives was their presence in the earlier works of exegesis and history. Significantly, Balʿami in his account on the death of Moses has quoted three Israelite narrations from Tabari’s history about what had happened to Moses before his death. Then he says, “All these three tales are superstition (khurafat), and it is not worthy to be narrated in this book because the lords of wisdom would not accept them.”77 Nevertheless, a large number of legends from the source of Isra‌ʾiliyyat can be found in Balʿami’s work. As mentioned before, Balʿami’s translation of Tabari’s history was a source of major importance for Hafiz-i Abru and thus these legends and narratives inevitably have penetrated into the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh. Usually the subjects of the Isra‌ʾiliyyat were details of the prophetic stories. In several cases, some personages mentioned in the Qurʾan were identified with the biblical figures like the prophet Shuʿayb, who was identified with the

71 Haj Manuchihri, “Isrāʾīlīyyāt,” 290. 72 Brinner, “Introduction,” xvii. 73 Haj Manuchihri, “Isrāʾīlīyyāt,” 290; Tottoli, “Origin and use,” 195; and Brinner, “Introduction,” xvii. 74 Tottoli, “Origin and use,” 194. 75 Firestone, Journeys in holy lands, 13; and Haj Manuchihri, “Isrāʾīlīyyāt,” 292. 76 Firestone, Journeys in holy lands, 13. 77 Balʿami, Tarikh-i Balʿami, 32, 504–6.

Majma ʿ al-tawarikh and Its Surviving Illustrated Copies

Biblical Jethro, the priest of Midian and Moses’ father-in-law.78 One of the examples of the Isra‌ʾiliyyat in Hafiz-i Abru’s Majmaʿ al-tawarikh is an anecdote about the ark of Noah that originated in Balʿami’s work: It has been said that two types of creatures were created in the ark – pig and cat. Concerning the reason, it is said that when the dung of the animals became excessive, Noah prayed and God the Exalted inspired him to tickle the back of the elephant. When he did so, a pig fell down and consumed the dung. When the number of rats increased, and they gnawed the food and the Ark, Noah was inspired to tickle the back of the lion. A cat came out from its nose and ate the rats.79 For another example, the legend of the giant ʿUj and his combat with Moses can be mentioned. In the Qurʾan, it is only recorded that Moses ordered his people to enter the Holy Land for fighting, but his people answered, “O Moses, indeed within it is a people of tyrannical strength, and indeed, we will never enter it until they leave it; but if they leave it, then we will enter.”80 However, in the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh as well as other Qisas al-anbiya‌ʾ books there is a detailed account of the giant ʿUj that in the words of Hafiz-i Abru several thousand sheep could sleep inside his skull.81 In general, since Hafiz-i Abru’s text is shorter than that of Tabari or Balʿami, it contains fewer Israelite tales. 5

The Surviving Illustrated Copies of the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh

Among the surviving manuscripts of Hafiz-i Abru, only two codices are illustrated. Both manuscripts, which are contemporary with each other, are in part copies of the first volume of the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh, and carry the imprints of Shahrukh’s library seals. The first, which is an autograph of its author, remains in the Topkapı Sarayı Library (Hazine 1653), and the second is widely dispersed. In the remainder of this chapter, it will be shown that the dispersed manuscript was copied from Hazine 1653, most likely during the lifetime of Hafiz-i Abru.

78 Haj Manuchihri, “Isrāʾīlīyyāt,” 293. 79 Hazine 1653, fol. 12b. For the same anecdote written by Balʿami, see Balʿami, Tarikh-i Balʿami, 140–41. 80 Qurʾan, 5:22. 81 Hazine 1653, fol. 62a. For a translation of the entire story, see Appendix I, no. 13.

Chapter 3

The first part of Hazine 1653 contains the first volume of the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh (the pre-Islamic history), and the next part comprises a section from the second volume of Rashid al-Din’s Jamiʿ al-tawarikh, including Islamic history up to the extinction of the ʿAbbasid dynasty in 656/1258. It also contains the history of contemporary Persian dynasties including Ghaznavids, Saljuqs, Khwarazmshahs, Salghurids, and a supplement on the Fatimids and Ismaʿilis. The last section deals with a history of the non-Mongol peoples of Eurasia including Ughuz Turks, Chinese, Franks and Indians. Most folios of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh section of Hazine 1653 were produced at the Rabʿ-i Rashidi in the early fourteenth century. In the account on the “Reason for the book’s composition (ta‌ʾlif ),” Hafiz-i Abru has explained the history of Hazine 1653 as follows: In the meantime, His Majesty [Shahrukh] – may God perpetuate his rule and sultanate – ordered that Rashid’s book [Jamiʿ al-tawarikh], the first part of which was missing, should be completed. This humble servant suggested since the first part of the book, which covers the history from the time of Adam (pbuh) up to the advent of the Prophet (pbuh), has now been written based on Rashidi, Tabari, Kamil (i.e. Kamil fi al-tarikh or “The Complete History” composed by Ibn al-Athir), and some other codices, it is better if it is used. [His Majesty] accepted. Therefore, the first volume (rubʿ) of the book [Majmaʿ al-tawarikh] that was written for the library of the greatest prince [Baysunghur] was inserted therein. And before getting started, a chapter on the definition of history and its usefulness is offered.82 Hafiz-i Abru thus states that he was charged by Shahrukh to complete the manuscript of Rashid al-Din’s Jamiʿ al-tawarikh, of which its first part was missing. Hafiz-i Abru replaced the missing part of the manuscript (Hazine 1653) with the first volume of his own Majmaʿ al-tawarikh, which had been composed before. In addition, as will be discussed later, Hafiz-i Abru wrote the lost passages of other sections and added them to the manuscript. Therefore, Hazine 1653 can be considered as a manuscript of “Majmaʿ–Jamiʿ al-tawarikh.” One significant matter that should be noted is the omission of the history of the children of Israel (Bani Isra‌ʾil) in the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh section of Hazine 1653. After the subsection on the Chinese history, the text of the manuscript is continued with the Frankish history. The Israelites’ history in Hazine 1654 82 Hazine 1653, fol. 3b.

Majma ʿ al-tawarikh and Its Surviving Illustrated Copies

is transcribed on forty-five pages (from fol. 272b to fol. 294b).83 Concerning the reason for the omission of the Israelites’ history in Hazine 1653, two hypotheses can be mentioned. First, it can be assumed that the content of this subchapter in the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh was considered to parallel the lives of the prophets. Since Hafiz-i Abru had inserted a detailed history of the prophets into the pre-Islamic section of the book, he decided to omit the subchapter on the Israelites. Second, the Israelites’ history in the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh was based on Jewish sources rather than the Islamic texts.84 This subchapter follows the Bible so closely that “some phrases seem to be an exact translation of Hebrew words.”85 Moreover, the Qurʾanic citations, which are an important element of these kinds of religious texts, have been omitted completely. Thus, the omission of this subsection helped the book appears more “Islamic.” That Hazine 1653 was a manuscript of major importance in different periods is evident from the fact that many manuscripts were copied directly or indirectly from it. This has confused several scholars in identification of the contents of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh and the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh.86 Among those manuscripts to the contents of which I have had access, at least six codices can be identified with contents almost identical to Hazine 1653, or in fact, they are copies of the “Majmaʿ–Jamiʿ al-tawarikh”. They start with the same words as Hazine 1653:

‫آغ ز ت‬ ‫ا �ت ن‬ ‫��م ف��ذ �لک ��ا ن��ه�ا ح�م�د ث�ن��ا �آ ف� � ن‬ ‫م‬ ‫ک‬ � ‫ل‬ � ‫ا‬ �� ‫�ل‬ � ‫ل‬ ‫ا‬ � ‫م‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ا‬ � � ‫د‬ ‫ا‬ � � � ‫ه‬ ‫س‬ � �� ‫م‬ ‫ک‬ � ‫ک‬ ‫ب‬ ‫و‬ ‫و‬ ‫ج‬ � � � ‫و‬ ‫� ��ا � ب‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ری‬ ‫ع‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ت‬ ‫��ه ا � ش��ا ء �م � د ا ت‬ ‫� �ل��م�ع�ه‌ا �ی ا ز� ا �ش��ع��ۀ ا ن� ا ��د ت ا ��س� ت ا �د ا‬ ‫�وا ن��د ب�ود ک‬ ‫وآج و‬ ‫و ر ر� و � و ب� ع‬ ‫ظ‬ ‫خ‬ ‫�کن� ن�ا ت‬ ‫ظ ت‬ ‫� �ش��م�ه‌ا � ا ز �ث�ا �ش�� ک� ت‬ ‫�� و �ع��م�� ا و �هو الا ول و الا �ر و ا �ل��ا �هر و‬ ‫ی � ر و‬ ‫�م � و‬

83 Comparison of the Topkapı manuscripts with the Arabic version of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh shows that the subsection on the Jews was not originally the last subchapter of the Arabic manuscript. What Sheila Blair has reconstructed (Compendium of chronicles, appendix ii) is the jumbled version that was paginated in seventeenth-century India rather than the original manuscript. The subsection on the Jews in Hazine 1654 is located after the Chinese and before the Frankish history. Since both Hazine 1653 and Hazine 1654 finish with the Indian history, it seems plausible to assume that the Arabic codex also ends with the same subchapter. Therefore, the dated colophon page of the Indian history in the Khalili collection can be considered as the last folio of the reconstructed manuscript. 84 Jahn, Die Geschichte der Kinder Israels, 11–12; Milstein, “Iconography of Moses,” 203–6; and Natif, “Rashīd al-Dīn’s alter ego.” 85 Milstein, “Iconography of Moses,” 203. 86 For example, most recently, Muhmmad Raushan has published an edition of the Jamiʿ altawarikh (Rashid al-Din, Jamiʿ al-tawarikh: Tarikh-i Iran va Islam, 3 vols.), the pre-Islamic part of which belongs to the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh. For the problem of Raushan’s edition, see Melville, “Rashīd al-Dīn and the Shāhnāmeh,” 205–7.

‫ز‬ ‫ظ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫��ا �هر�ی ��ه ب�رو� و‬ �‫لا ا �ل�ه الا �هو ر ب‬

Chapter 3

‫آ‬ ‫�أ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫�ق‬ �‫ا ��لب��ا ط� ن� ا ولی ن��ه ب�ت�� د م و ب��د ای� ت� � خ�ر�ی ن��ه ب�ت�� خ�ر و ��ه�ا ی� ت‬ ٰ ‫ن ن‬ ‫حق‬ ‫شت‬ � ‫��م ن� و ا ��س��تت��ا ر �ت�ع�ا لی ا �ل�ّ�ل�ه ا لم��لک ا‬ ‫ل‬ � ‫ا ��ه�ا ر ب�ا ط�ی ��ه ب� ک و‬ � �‫�ر‬ � � ��‫� ش‬ ‫ا ل�عر � ا ل ک می‬

The most important copy of Hazine 1653 is the dispersed manuscript, which will be discussed later. Other copies of Hazine 1653 survive in the Institute of Oriental Languages in Saint Petersburg (MS 273), Library of Iran Parliament (MS 9447), and three codices in the National Library of Iran (MSS F 92, 5-11685, and 5-11575). Since all these manuscripts were copied – directly or indirectly – from Hazine 1653, they carry the current date of their prototype: “… to our time that is during the year 828 of the Hijra [1424–25].”87 Before the sixteenth century, some folios at the end of Hazine 1653 were lost so that the last sentence of the manuscript on folio 435b remained incomplete.88 The four manuscripts in the Iranian libraries end with the same incomplete sentence. The dispersed manuscript on the other hand, which is contemporary with Hazine 1653, is not incomplete at the end. Interestingly, the scribes of two of these manuscripts (MSS 5-11685 and MSS 5-11575 both in the National Library of Iran) have determined the location of the illustrations in the prototype manuscript and occasionally have written a brief description of the paintings in the margin or in the empty spaces within the text.89 Moreover, the layout of the Chinese section in the manuscript 5-11575 is an imitation of Hazine 1653. In the empty spaces left in the Tehran manuscript, the exact description of the depictions of the Chinese Emperors in Hazine 1653 can be found (fig. 2). Since the descriptions of the illustrations are compatible with Hazine 1653, it 87 Hazine 1653, fol. 2b. 88 Hazine 1653 finishes with the following sentences from the history of Buddha:

‫�ه ��ه د ق�� ض��ۀ ق��د ت‬ ‫ح��ت�ا ��ا ن� ا �ث��ا �ن�ک��د ا ن��ز �ا ش‬ ‫� و ت�م� ی�ل�ک ا و ب�ا �ش��د ت�م�ا �م� ت� �بر م‬ ‫�ه��ت�ا د‬ ‫� ج ی ر‬ ‫ر‬ ‫ر چ ر �ب‬ ‫و و ی ب‬ ‫آ‬ ‫خ ت� ن‬ ‫� خ‬ ‫��د �م� ت� �م��ست�� ن��ه�د � د �م ��د ت�ا � ا �ش‬ ‫�ز‬ ‫ش‬ �‫و چ‬ � �� ‫�م‬ ‫ا‬ � � ‫ا‬ � �� ‫د‬ ‫د‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ک‬ � �‫و‬ ‫��ه�ا ر �ه ا ر ر م روی ب‬ ‫ی ر ی � ور و ری و بع و و و‬ ‫گ‬ ‫آ‬ ‫گ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ت‬ ‫��ه ا � ن‬ ‫ش��ن�� ه�م�� ن�� ن ��د � �ه�م�ا �ه�م�� ن�� ن‬ ‫��ه‬ � ‫ی� و �م��ی��س��ر�ی د ر � � ح�ا ل �بر ��سر �ج �م‬ ‫ی� را ه ک‬ ‫�و�ی�د ک‬ ‫چ ی� و پ ر بر‬ ‫چ‬ ‫ع‬ ‫گ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫خ‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ت‬ ‫�� خ�� ه�ت‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫م‬ �‫�م� ن ن��ه�ا د ه‌ا ب‬ ‫ح��ق ی��ق� ت� �ش��ا ک‬ � � ‫��مو�ی ��ه�ا د ه ا ��س�� و ��لا �ی� را �بر ا را د � و‬ ‫ح��ب�� م�� ا و ا� � ی‬ � ‫م‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ن‬ ‫�ز‬ �‫و ا�م��ت�ا ن� �م��ی��ست��ر�ی چ‬ ‫�و�ی ب�ا ش��ن��د و �هر ک‬ ‫��ه�ا ر �ص�د ک‬ � ‫�و�ی �ص�د ب�ا ر �ص�د �ه ا ر ب�ا �ش��د و ا و ب�ا چ� ن��د ا‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ش‬ ‫�ن��م� ت� ��س�ا ک� ش‬ ‫� ن� ب�ا ��د و �م��ی��س��ر�ی‬ ‫پ��یروا � د ر ��هر �ک ی‬

The above part of the text is also missing in Hazine 1654. It survives in MS. Add. 7628, fol. 402a (see Table 2, no. 2). 89 Even the scribe of the manuscript MSS 5–11575 has determined the location of a lost folio after folio 157 of Hazine 1653. He has left a lacunae space and has written in the margin, “I left the space as it was in the [original] manuscript.” MSS 5–11575, folio 165a.

Majma ʿ al-tawarikh and Its Surviving Illustrated Copies

Figure 2

A folio from a copy of universal history written by Hafiz-i Abru and Rashid al-Din, National Library of Iran, MSS 5-11575, fol. 406a. The page layout and descriptions of the depictions can be compared with Hazine 1653, fol. 394b (reproduced by Jahn, Die Chinageschichte, pl. 7). This page mentions the names of the first to the ninth kings of China. The descriptions of the first five kings sequentially read, “The location of the depiction of a figure with two circles in his hands”; “The location of the depiction of a serpent-like figure with ten heads”; “The location of the depiction of a serpent-like figure with ten heads”; “The location of a serpent-like figure with nine heads”; “A man boarding on a plank.” Below the names of the last four kings is written, “A figure.”

Chapter 3

can be stated with certainty that they were copied before transference of their prototype to Istanbul. 6

Hazine 1653

Although from the fourth decade of the twentieth century onwards, several scholars have discussed this manuscript, many aspects of it remain unsurveyed.90 The primary research on the Timurid part of the manuscript was done by Richard Ettinghausen in 1955, and the Ilkhanid part of it was the topic of a PhD dissertation by Güner Inal in 1965.91 Nearly all other studies are based on these two researches, which offer no comprehensive description of the manuscript. The complicated history of Hazine 1653 begins with Rashid al-Din’s scriptorium. One of the main purposes of the Rabʿ-i Rashidi was the study and copying of Rashid al-Din’s own writings. According to its endowment deed, two 90 The manuscript in chronological order has been discussed by Aga-Oglu, “Some unknown Mohammadan,” 330; Idem, “Preliminary notes;” Holter, “Die islamischen Miniaturhandschriften,” 26, no. 71; Ettinghausen, “An illuminated manuscript;” Ateṣ, Cāmi’ al-tavārīh; Robinson, Descriptive catalogue, 12; Karatay, Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi, no. 99; İpşiroğlu, Malerei der Mongolen, 44–47; Inal, “Fourteenth-century miniatures;” Jahn, Die Geschichte der Oġuzen; İpşiroğlu, Das Bild im Islam, 58; Jahn, Die Chinageschichte; Togan, Oğuz destanı; Swietochowski, “Development of traditions;” Grube, Miniature Islamiche; Inal, “Artistic relationship;” Rice, Illustrations to the world history, 26; Gray, World history of Rashid al-Din, 17–18, 22–23; Grube et al., Islamic painting, nos. 6–7, 74–75; Jahn, Die Frankengeschichte; Grube & Sims, “School of Herat;” Allen, “Byzantine sources;” Gutmann & Moreen, “Combat between Moses and Og;” Soucek, “Life of the Prophet;” Lentz & Lowry, Timur and the princely vision, 99–100; Gutmann, “Abraham in the fire,” 349–50; Soudavar, Art of the Persian courts, 65; Inal, “Miniatures in historical manuscripts;” Curatola (ed.). Eredità dell’Islam, 374; Blair, “Development of the illustrated book,” 269–70; Idem, Compendium of chronicles; Blair and Bloom, Art and architecture, 58; Fitzherbert, “Portrait of a lost leader,” 63–65; Çağman & Tanındı, “Remarks on some manuscripts,” 136–39; Canby, Princes, poets & paladins, 28–29; Thackston, “Translator’s preface,” xiii; Milstein, “The manuscripts,” 5–6; Tanındı, “Additions to illustrated manuscripts,” 150; Yidan, History of China, 52–53; Gutmann, “Sacrifice of Abraham;” Shani, “Noah’s Ark;” Sims et al., Peerless images, 94–95; Roxburgh, Turks, cat. no. 34; Blair, “Writing and illustrating,” 61–63; Adamova, Mediaeval Persian painting, 12; Kadoi, Islamic Chinoiserie, 180–82; Blair, “Calligraphers,” 172, 180; Ghiasian, “Historical style;” Adamova & Bayani, Persian painting, 163; Canby et al., Court and cosmos, 48; Melville, “Rashīd al-Dīn and the Shāhnāmeh,” 204–5; Idem, “Illustration of history;” and Ghiasian, “Topkapı manuscript.” 91 Ettinghausen, “An illuminated manuscript;” and Inal, “Fourteenth-century miniatures.” The second part of Ettinghausen’s article, which is proposed to discuss the “Mongol Style” illustrations, was never published.

Majma ʿ al-tawarikh and Its Surviving Illustrated Copies

copies of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh, one in Persian and the other in Arabic, were to be transcribed yearly. It is said that three dated and illustrated copies of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh produced at the Rabʿ-i Rashidi survive.92 The first is an Arabic version, which consists of two fragments of one manuscript kept in the Edinburgh University Library (Or.MS 20) and the Khalili collection (MSS 727).93 Two others, which are written in Persian, are the manuscripts Hazine 1653 and Hazine 1654. All these manuscripts contain the second part of the second volume. The present research has discovered a further illustrated Persian manuscript of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh, which was divided into two parts in Shahrukh’s kitabkhana. Some of its leaves were inserted in Hazine 1653 among folios of another Rashidi manuscript, and the rest were used in the dispersed manuscript. Thus, Hazine 1653 contains some fragments of two early fourteenth-century codices, both produced in Rashid al-Din’s scriptorium. In the present study, this hitherto unknown manuscript is entitled “Divided Manuscript,” which will be discussed later, and the other Ilkhanid folios of Hazine 1653 are called, “Undivided Manuscript.” Like the Topkapı Jamiʿ al-tawarikh (Hazine 1654), all folios of Hazine 1653 were remargined in the late sixteenth century. Moreover, at the time of remargination, some illuminations were added to the manuscript. The imprint of the seal of Sultan Ahmed III (r. 1703–30) on the margin of folio 1a indicates that the manuscript was transferred to Istanbul before 1730 (fig. 5A). In its current state, Hazine 1653 consists of 435 folios of large size, each folio measuring 542 by 377 mm. The Timurid folios have a written surface of 311 by 232 mm while the Ilkhanid folios have a larger text area of 373 by 260 mm. Written in naskh script by different hands, all unillustrated pages have thirtyfive lines of text. The traces of silken threads of the mistara are visible in both Ilkhanid and Timurid leaves of the manuscript. Mistara is a construction of paralleled silken threads fixed on a frame of pasteboard that serves as a ruler. 92 Apart from the mentioned manuscripts, one more copy of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh from Rashid al-Din’s lifetime survives. It is a Persian codex copied at Baghdad and dated Shaʿban 717/October–November 1317. The manuscript, which is housed in the Topkapı Sarayı Library with the inventory number of Revan 1518, comprises the first volume of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh. See Karatay, Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi, no. 139; Storey, Persian literature, 73; Thackston, “Translator’s preface,” xiii; and Binbaş, “Structure and function,” 488, no. 64. I owe this information about Revan 1518 to İlker Evrim Binbaş, who informs me that the manuscript is not illustrated but bears empty spaces left for painting. 93 For the fragment of the Arabic copy of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh in the Edinburgh University Library and reproduction of its illustrations, see Rice, Illustrations to the world history. This fragment is accessible online in the following link: http://images.is.ed.ac.uk/luna/ servlet/view/all/what/Or.Ms+20 (last accessed April 2017). For publication of the other fragment in the Khalili collection, see Blair, Compendium of chronicles.

Chapter 3

By putting it between two sheets of paper, and rubbing them, the calligrapher could rule two sheets at a time.94 The book consists of four different types of paper: the polished creamcoloured Baghdadi papers utilized at the Rabʿ-i Rashidi, the ochreous-brown Herati papers, the pinkish Safavid papers of the margins, and the pinkish Ottoman flyleaves. The borders of the written surface are ruled in eleven narrow lines of different thickness and such colours as brown, orange, black, blue, gold and white. The lines of the borders mask the transition from the original leaf to the marginal papers. The arrangement of the lines of the borders and the sequence of their colours is very similar to Hazine 1654. This suggests that most likely Hazine 1653 was also remargined in the Safavid workshop of Farhad Khan Qaramanlu. In folio 38b, where the marginal text transcribed by Hafiz-i Abru has been retained, it becomes clear that the Herati papers had been originally ruled with two black lines (Cat. 6). As mentioned before, the first 148 folios of the manuscript contain the first volume of the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh, and the next 287 leaves consist of Rashid al-Din’s text. Two leaves of the manuscript (after the current folios 89 and 157)95 as well as some folios at the end are missing. Interestingly, in the lower part of folios 89b and 157b inside the text frame, someone has written in nastaʿliq, 94 Schimmel, Calligraphy and Islamic culture, 42; Porter, Painters, paintings and books, 57–59; and Blair, Compendium of chronicles, 39. Schimmel, Calligraphy and Islamic culture, 43, has published a photo of a surviving mistara. 95 Folio 89b finishes with the following sentences:

‫گ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ن‬ ‫خ‬ ‫�ا ش�� ت� ت�ا خ� ن� ��د خ� د ا ز �ا ز خ� ا ��س� ت� ا ا � �گ ف ت‬ ‫��د ا �ی ��ع�ا لی �ر�ی�د و� را �برو م‬ ‫�ر�� و د ر‬ ‫و ج و �و ب � و‬ ‫وور ب‬ ٰ ‫ن‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ا �� ش‬ ‫ن ن‬ �‫ک��ت ن��د ا �ل�ّ�ل�ه �ت�ع�ا لی �م ن��و چ‬ ‫ک‬ ‫�وه د �م�ا ون��د د ر ب�ن��د ک‬ � ‫��هر را �بر�ی ش��ا‬ ‫�رد و �ه�م�� چ��ی� ��س��لم و �ور ا�یر ج� ر ب‬ ‫گ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫خ‬ ‫خ‬ ‫ز‬ ‫ز‬ �‫�ا ش�� ت� ت�ا �و� پ��د ر ا ��ی ش��ا � ب�ا ��وا ��س� ت‬ ‫م‬ The catchword of folio 89 is: ‫و �هر د و را‬

‫آ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن� خ ت آ ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ّٰ ت‬ ‫ن‬ ‫��ه ا �ل��ل�ه ��ع�ا لی �مرا ی� ک‬ ‫��ه چ�و� �ه�م�ا �ی ب�پ��ا د �ش��ا �هی � ش��س� ت� �ر�مود ک‬ ‫� ورد ه‌ا ن��د ک‬ ‫��ب�� ر�یآ�د و ��م�هرب�ا �ی‬ � ‫��ه �ج�ز ا ء � ن ��ا‬ ‫�ی خ�وا �ه ک‬ ‫رع�ای�ا د ر د ل �م� ن� پ��د ی��د ک‬ ‫��ه ��س�عی ا ��س� ت� ن�ی� ک‬ ‫�رد ک‬ ‫�رد و �مرا چ� ن��د نا� �ک‬ ‫� بی بم‬ ‫م‬

Folio 90a starts with these words:

The last words of folio 157b are:

‫�ذ‬ ‫ن ن خ ف‬ ‫ن ن خ ف‬ ‫ز ت �ز ئ ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ک‬ ‫�ر ا�می��ه و ب��ی��ه ا ب��ا ��ل� ا �جل��م��حی | ا�می��ه و ب��ی��ه ا ب��ا ء ��ل� �ج �م��حی ا � �م��س��ه �ا � ب�ود ��د و‬ ‫گ‬ ‫�ف‬ ‫گ‬ ‫�ذ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫�� ت�ی�ه�م�ز ه ل�م�ز ه‬ � ‫�ا ه �م��ص��ط��ف��ی را ع� ی�ل��ه ا �ل��س��ل د ی��د �ی‬ ‫د ر ای� ا ء �م��س�ل�م�ا ن�ا � �م��ب�ا � �غل��ه ک‬ � ‫�رد ن��د �ی و ا�می��ه �هر‬ ‫م‬ ‫آ‬ ‫آ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫زن‬ ‫�م� ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫شن‬ ‫ش‬ �‫��ه �مرد را د ر ج‬ �‫��هر � �ش�� ک‬ ‫ع�ی�ه�م�ز ه � ��س� ت� ک‬ ‫��ا را د ��ا م د �ه��د و چ�رب�ک و چ��مک ��د و‬ ‫و‬ ‫م‬ ‫�ز آ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ت‬ �‫ل�م ه � ��س‬ ‫ ) ک �ف‬matches with the starting words of the � The catchword of folio 157 (‫��ه ب�� ر��س��ت�د‬ next folio, but there is a gap between the texts of these two folios. Folio 158a begins with the following sentences:

Majma ʿ al-tawarikh and Its Surviving Illustrated Copies

“Here a folio is missing,”96 presumably when the book was remargined or most likely, when it was a model for the scribes of those manuscripts in the National Library of Iran (5-11685 and 5-11575). Remargination of the manuscript resulted in the loss of the original catchwords. The new catchwords were added in the internal corner of the text frame at the time of remargination. The golden seal of Sultan Abdülhamid II and the inscription of “Zu-lVajhayn-i Kütübhane-i Humayuni” on the red binding indicate that the manuscript was bound at the Yıldız Palace in Istanbul. It was bound in four volumes: – Vol. I: The pre-Islamic history (fols. 1–148); – Vol. II: The Islamic history up to the extinction of the ʿAbbasid dynasty (fols. 149–266); – Vol. III: From the section on the Ghaznavids to the end of the account on the Salghurids (fols. 267–341); – Vol. IV: From the section on the history of Ismaʿilis up to the history of Buddha (fols. 342–435). The main reasons for dividing the manuscript to four volumes were firstly its huge size and secondly the empty pages in the beginning or the end of certain chapters. These empty pages are: the last page of the first volume (fol. 148b), the first page of the third volume (fol. 267a) and the first page of the fourth volume (fol. 342a). Two of these leaves are additions by Hafiz-i Abru and one of them (fol. 267a) comes from the Rabʿ-i Rashidi. Most likely folio 267a was left empty for the addition of an illuminated shamsa, similar to some full-page illuminated shamsas in the Arabic codex.97 The binding of the first volume is red and gilded with the seal and the inscription, while the other three volumes have a simple brown binding. The current condition of all folios of the manuscript and their contents are as follows:98 ّٰ ‫گ‬ ‫ن ت ��سخ ن نگ‬ ‫گ گ�ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫خ‬ � �‫�ی دی‬ � ‫�ر‬ � � �� ‫��ه �م�� ب�ا �و‬ � ‫�وی� چ��ه ا‬ ‫�� ت� و ا �ل��ل�ه‬ ‫��ه ت�را �ر��س��ت�ا د ی� ک‬ ‫ک‬ ‫��ه ب��ف� ر��س��ت�د ک‬ ‫ک‬ ‫�ر ر��سول ��د ا ی�ی‬ ‫گ�ف م‬ ‫گ‬ ‫گ‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ف از ش ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ت‬ ‫خ‬ ‫خ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ت‬ ‫�ر ��ی��س� �مرا ب�ا �و ��س‬ ‫��ه ب�ا �و ��س‬ � ‫�� ن� چ�را ب�ای��د‬ � �‫�� ن‬ ‫�مرا چ��ه ��د ر ک‬ � ‫�� چ�و� �م��ص��ط��ی ��ی��ا‬ ‫�ونی�م و ا � ی‬ ‫�خ ا ت � ا � ن خ �ق ش ن‬ ‫خ��یر�ی ن��د ی��د و �م�ا �یو��س �ش��د �و ��س�� ک�ه ی� ��بر ب�� ر�ی��ی��ا � ر��س�د‬ ‫�ن� �ق‬ 96 . ‫‌��ای��د‬ ‫ا ی ج��ا ور ی د ر می ب‬ 97 Five full-page illuminated shamsas can be found in the Arabic copy of the Jamiʿ al-Tawarikh: the Edinburgh fragment fols. 107a (reproduced by Blair, Compendium of chronicles, fig. 1), 137a (published in Rice, Illustrations to the world history, 184) and 149a (published in Ibid., 184); and the Khalili fragment fols. 19a and 42a (see Blair, Compendium of chronicles, fols. 259a and 282a of the reconstructed manuscript). 98 In the current state of Hazine 1653, the locations of two folios have been replaced, presumably, when the manuscript was rebound in Istanbul. Both folios (377 and 384) belong to the subsection on the history of Ughuz Turks. The catchwords of folios 376 and 383 indicate that in the sixteenth century, these leaves were still in their correct locations.

‫‪66‬‬

‫‪Chapter 3‬‬

‫‪Written by the hand of its author, the text consists of the first‬‬ ‫‪volume of the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh (an introduction and a history‬‬ ‫‪from the time of creation up to the advent of Islam).‬‬ ‫‪These fifteen folios contain the Islamic history starting from the‬‬ ‫‪ancestors of the Prophet Muhammad up to the events of the‬‬ ‫‪year 2/624.99 The text, which is almost identical to Hazine 1654‬‬ ‫‪(fols. 51b–77a), belongs to Rashid al-Din’s Jamiʿ al-tawarikh and is‬‬ ‫‪transcribed by Hafiz-i Abru.‬‬ ‫‪These fifty-six leaves were produced at the Rabʿ-i Rashidi, and‬‬ ‫‪deal with Islamic history up to the beginning of the history of the‬‬ ‫‪ʿAbbasid dynasty.100‬‬

‫‪Volume I‬‬ ‫ ‪1b–148b‬‬ ‫‪Volume II‬‬ ‫ ‪149a–163b‬‬

‫ ‪164a–219b‬‬

‫‪The present study applies the correct locations of these two folios and thus there is a‬‬ ‫‪discrepancy of folio numbers between this research and the earlier ones.‬‬ ‫‪99 The beginning words of folio 149a are as follows:‬‬

‫�ف ّ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫�ق��س د | د �ذ ک ّ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫فض‬ ‫حّ��ا ت‬ ‫�ص��ل ا ت‬ ‫� و ا �ل��ت��‬ ‫� و خ��فل� �ا ء‬ ‫و ر‬ ‫�ر ��سی��د الا �ص� ی��ا محمد �م��ص��ط��ی ع� ی�ل��ه ا ��ل ا �آل�� و‬ ‫ی‬ ‫شم ن م ض ن ّٰ‬ ‫ّٰ‬ ‫گ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫خ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ت‬ ‫�ت‬ ‫ن‬ ‫را ��د�ی� ر��وا � ا �ل��ل�ه ع��لی��ه� ا �ج �م�ع��ی� و ب��و ا�می��ه و ب��و �ع��ب�ا ��س �ا � �ر رو� �‬ ‫ز�ا ر ا لم��س� �ع��صم ب�ا �ل��لّ�ه و‬ ‫م‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ا ��س��ت ا �م��ت �غ� ��ل ن‬ ‫��ه �ب�ز �م�ا ن �ه �ک ا ق�� ش��د ه ا ز ف��ت ح�ا ت‬ ‫ا ح�د ا ث‬ ‫� و ظ��هور �م��لوک و ی��ل ء‬ ‫� و و��ا �ی ک‬ ‫�‬ ‫ب��ا �‬ ‫و‬ ‫ر‬ ‫ی‬ ‫� و‬ ‫ع‬ ‫ع‬ ‫آ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ن ق‬ ‫غ ن‬ ‫��ه�ا ط� ��ق�ه | ا � ط� ��ق�ه ال ل | د �ذ ک ّ‬ ‫شت ت‬ ‫�ش‬ ‫ب�ا طرا �� و ��یر � � و ا�ی� ��سم �م��م��ل��س�� بر چ� � ر �ب ل�� ب ا وی ر‬ ‫�ر ��سی��د ا �ل��ب�� ر‬ ‫ت ّٰ‬ ‫�ذ‬ ‫�ر �ن��س� ب� ا و و ا �ن ش��ع�ا ب� �ق��ب�ای� �قر� ش�� و ش��م�ه [ا �ی] ا ز� ا �‬ ‫�ص��لوا‬ ‫� ا �ل��ل�ه ع� ی�ل��ه و ��س�لا �م�ه و ک‬ ‫حوا ل‬ ‫ل ی�‬ ‫ّٰ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫� ن � ��ش‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫پ��د را � ا و �بر�ی� �م��وا ل | محمد �ب� �ع��ب�د ا �ل��ل�ه �ب� �ع��ب�د ا لم��ط�ل� ب� ب� ه�ا‬ ‫م‬ ‫�ذ ف‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫آن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫زه � ه � ض ن ز ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫�ر �ر�ی ض��ه �ش��د � رو� م�ا ر م��ا � و �ک‬ ‫ک‬ ‫�وه ��طر | و خ��بر � � چ� ن��ا � ب�ود ک‬ ‫��ه چ�و� �م��ص��ط��ی �ص��یل‬ ‫ن آ‬ ‫ّٰ‬ ‫ش ن آن ت‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ز‬ ‫ز‬ ‫�ش‬ ‫�‬ ‫ه‬ ‫ا �ل��ل�ه ع� ی�ل��ه و ��س��ل ب�م�د ی��ه � �م�د ج�‬ ‫��ه د ر رو� د م ا � ا ول �م�ا ه ا ی��ا � ک‬ ‫��هود ا � را د ی��د ک‬ ‫��ه � �را �� ر�ی‬ ‫م‬ ‫آ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ز ه م ا �ش��ت‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ت‬ ‫م‬ ‫��ه ��سر ��س�ا ل ا ی� ش��ا ن� ا ��س�� و ب ج��ا �ی � � �م�ا را �‬ ‫حر ا ��س�� رو� ی ‌د ��د‬ ‫خ�وا ن�ن��د ک‬ ‫م‬

‫‪ The last sentences of folio 163b are:‬‬

‫ ‬

‫ّ گ‬ ‫آ‬ ‫ق‬ ‫��ه ا � ن‬ ‫� �ن��د و تا��ف� �ا �قً�ا � ن� ��س�ا ل �م�ا ه �ت �ش�� ی د ر �م�ا ه م‬ ‫ا � ن ا�‬ ‫�‬ ‫ی� چ��ه‬ ‫حر وا �� ب�ود پ�ر��سی��د ک‬ ‫ر‬ ‫و‬ ‫و ی� ر ب�ک�ورگ�ف� ی‬ ‫م تع‬ ‫�غ‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ۀ‬ ‫ز‬ ‫ز‬ ‫ن‬ ‫�� ت ن��د ا � ن‬ ‫رو� �‬ ‫رو�ه ا ��س� ت� �‬ ‫ح ق� ��ع�ا لی �ر�عو� را � ر� ک‬ ‫ی� رو�ز� ع�ا �ش��ورا ��س� ت� ک‬ ‫�رد و‬ ‫��ه د ر ا�ی�‬ ‫ز ف‬ ‫��ه ز‬ ‫ز فض‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ت‬ ‫رو�ه د ا ر�ی�د‬ ‫رو� را �ر�مود ک‬ ‫ا�ی� رو� را ��ای�ل ب��سی��ا ر ا ��س�� و �مو��سی ا�ی�‬

‫‪100 Folio 164a starts with the following sentences:‬‬

‫‪ Folio 219b finishes with the following poem:‬‬

‫ن گ‬ ‫ن ن‬ ‫��ه ز� ا �‬ ‫د و��س��ت�ا ن� پ��سر �ه��د �م �‬ ‫�ر ب�ی خ��برن��د | ک‬ ‫حوا ل ب��د ا و ب��ه �پی�م��بر چ��ه ر��سی��د | پ��د ر ا و �ل� ب� و د ��د ا �‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ح ق� �‬ ‫گر �ع �پ�م��بر ب��د ر��د | ا و ب�ن��ا �‬ ‫�پ�م��بر ب� ش��ک��س� ت� | �م�ا د ر ا و ج� �‬ ‫ح ق� د ا�م�ا د �پی�م��بر ب��س��ت�د | پ��سر ا و ��سر �ر ز�ن��د‬ ‫�‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ی‬ ‫م‬ ‫آ‬ ‫ٰ‬ ‫گ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫��م�� د | ا � ن � ن�� ن �ش�� خ‬ ‫�رش�� د و��س� ت� ن��د ا ر �ی �ش��ای��د | �ل�ع� ن� ا �ل��ل�ه ی��ز �ی�د ا و ع��لی � ل ی��ز �ی�د‬ ‫��ص �‬ ‫پی بر ب بری ی� چ ی�‬

‫ ‬

‫‪67‬‬

‫‪Majma ʿ al-tawarikh and Its Surviving Illustrated Copies‬‬

‫‪220a–226b Written by the hand of Hafiz-i Abru, these seven leaves of the‬‬ ‫‪Jamiʿ al-tawarikh contain a history of the ʿAbbasids from the year‬‬ ‫‪133/750–51 to 205/820–21.101‬‬ ‫‪227a–266b This part of the manuscript is a continuation of the history up to‬‬ ‫‪the end of the ʿAbbasids. These folios were produced at the Rabʿ-i‬‬ ‫‪Rashidi.102‬‬ ‫‪Volume III‬‬ ‫‪267a–284b These folios, which were produced at the Rabʿ-i Rashidi, contain‬‬ ‫‪a history of the Ghaznavids up to the year 389/998–9 (the en‬‬‫‪trance of the Ilak Khan’s army to Bukhara).103 The place left for‬‬ ‫‪the illuminated ʿunwan at the top of folio 267b (the beginning of‬‬

‫‪101 The beginning sentences of folio 220a are:‬‬

‫ن‬ ‫�م�د ت‬ ‫ز ن‬ ‫ا� � ن ش‬ ‫� ولا ی� ت� �مروا ن� د و ��س�ا ل و پ�جن�‬ ‫�ه��ا‬ ‫� �م�ا ه ب�ود ا � ب��ی ا�می��ه ��س� ی�ل�م ب�‬ ‫م‬ ‫گ‬ ‫ٰ‬ ‫ش �ت ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ت‬ ‫�ع� �د ا �ل�ّ�ل�ه � ن ع��ل � ن� ��د � ش‬ ‫م�� ق� ر��سی��د �‬ ‫ب� ی چ و ب‬ ‫ب��ک��د ب�ا � �ش� ��ص�� ک��س و �ب‬ ‫�ور�ه�ا ء ب��ی‬ ‫�مروا ن� �ه�م�ه را ب� �‬ ‫� نک��د و ب��سو خ�� ت�‬

‫� نب� �ع��ب�د ا لم��لک را‬ ‫ا�می��ه ا ز� �م�ع�ا و�ی�ه ت�ا‬

‫�ذ� � ث ن �خ‬ ‫�أ ن‬ ‫ت خ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫�أت ن‬ ‫ن ف �ت‬ ‫حوا د � ��س��ه �م��س و �م� ��ی� | د ر ا�ی� ��س�ا ل �م� �مو� ط�ا �هر را ب�ا �م�ا ر� �را ��س�ا � �ر��س� �ا د و‬ ‫کر‬ ‫ت ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ز‬ ‫�ف‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ض‬ ‫�غ‬ ‫ا �م ا ت‬ ‫کا ر ج��ی��‬ ‫� ب��د و ��سپ��رد ا � د ر ب��د ا د �ا ��‬ ‫حو� ب��د و �� و�ی�� ک‬ ‫ور‬ ‫�رد چ�و� ط�ا �هر‬

‫‪ The last words of folio 226b are:‬‬

‫ ‬

‫ّٰ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫�خ ا ��س�ا ن ��س��د �م د �م ا ا �� تس� �ل� ت� د ا د � ��س�� ت‬ ‫� پ��سن��د ی��د ه �م��یر�� ت� و �ع��ب�د ا �ل��ل�ه � نب� ط�ا �هر را‬ ‫ب ر � ر ی ر ر ما‬ ‫و بر یر‬ ‫گ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ش‬ ‫حن‬ ‫�م�لا ز� خ�ود ک‬ ‫�ی ب��غ��د ا د ب�و�ی د ا د د ر ا�ی� ��س�ا ل و��ا � ح ک‬ ‫�رد و � �ش� رط �‬ ‫� �ب� �ه��ا م �ب� �ع��ب�د ا �لر �م��‬ ‫م‬ ‫م‬ ‫ب�ود‬

‫‪102 Folio 227a begins with the sentences as follows:‬‬

‫ف آ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫��ه ا��ک�و ن� د ر �‬ ‫حی��ا ه‬ ‫ا و را �ه�لا ک‬ ‫�و خ��ا � ز� �ی � �غم�ول ب��د ا د و ا ز� ا و ��س�ه �ر ز�ن��د � ورد ��م�هت��ر ا ب�و��صر محمد ک‬ ‫ن ّٰ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ز‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ش‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ا ��س� ت� و ا و را �ر��د ��د ا ب�وا لم��ا �� ب� �م��ب�ا رک �ا و د ر �‬ ‫ح��یوه ا ��س�� و ا �ل�ع��لم �ع��د ا �ل��ل�ه ��ع�ا لی‬ ‫م‬

‫‪ The last words of folio 266b are:‬‬

‫ّٰ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ح�م | ر ب� ی��سر و لا‬ ‫ب��سم ا �ل��ل�ه ا �لرح�م� ن� ا �لر� ی‬ ‫�م��ق�ا �م�ا ت‬ ‫�تک� �ک ن‬ ‫� ��س��ل��ط�ا ن� م‬ ‫�‬ ‫ح��مود � نب� ��س��ب �‬ ‫��ی�‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫��ه خ�و�ی ش�� ا ی� ش��ا � ب�ود ن��د‬ ‫��س�ا �م�ا � ک‬

‫ ‬

‫‪103 Folio 267a begins with the following sentences:‬‬

‫ت ّ‬ ‫ت شت‬ ‫ن ت �خ مخ �ت‬ ‫��ع��سر | ا�ی� �ا ری� �غ �� صر�ی��س�� م��م�ل‬ ‫ن � �غ‬ ‫�خ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫�ب� ��سر�ک �ب� ا م ی�ا و� و�ی و �بر�ی‬

‫�بر � �ش� رح ح�ا ل‬ ‫آ‬ ‫ا ز� ا �‬ ‫حوا ل � ل‬

‫ف‬ ‫ت �ف ق‬ ‫�ت ظ‬ ‫� د ن��د ت�ا �ب�ز�ع� �آ ن ��ق �ع�ه ک ش ت ف �ق‬ ‫خ‬ ‫�ز‬ ‫ن‬ ‫یم � ب‬ ‫��ه ب��ی��ر �� ی��ه ب�ود �م�عرو�� و �م��س� ��هر‬ ‫�بر �ع م ج��ا � ب� ��سر��س ا�� ا � کر‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ح ق ا خ��د �م�ا ت‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ش ن‬ ‫�ت‬ ‫�‬ ‫��و��د چ��ه ا و �م� �ع��ص� ب� ب��صر ب�ود د ر �� و‬ ‫‪The last sentences of folio 284b are:‬‬

‫ ‬

Chapter 3

the Ghaznavid history) remains empty. The recto of this folio is also blank. 285a–b A lost passage of text between the Ilkhanid folios is penned by Hafiz-i Abru.104 286a–327b These forty-two leaves, which come from the Rabʿ-i Rashidi, contain a continuation of the history up to nearly the end of the section on the Saljuqs.105 Folio 326b carries an unfinished Safavid sketch for illumination of the ʿunwan. In the middle of the ʿunwan there is an inscription recording that this continuation of the text containing the end of the history of Tughrul is composed by Abu Hamid Muhammad ibn Ibrahim.106 328a–b Hafiz-i Abru has finished the history of the Saljuqs in his own hand. The text is written in the upper half of folio 328a. The lower part of the leaf and its verso remains empty. 329a At the top of this page, there are six lines of text concerning the end of the history of Saljuqs and the lower part of the folio remains blank. As will be discussed later, this folio as well as the next twelve folios belongs to a further manuscript produced at the Rabʿ-i Rashidi or the Divided manuscript. From this folio, we

104 Folio 285a begins with the sentences as follows:

‫� ن‬ ‫خ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن �ت ش‬ ��‫�م�د د د ا د ه چ و� ب��سر��س ر��سی��د ��د و ب�م�ا ل �م�� ع‬ ‫ش ن‬ ‫د ا �ن��س� ت ک �ق‬ � ‫��ه �م�� ا م ا ی��ا � �بر ط��م�عی ب�ا ط�ل‬

‫ع�د ت‬ ‫پ��سن��د ی��د ه ک‬ � ‫�رد ه و ب�م�ا ل ب��سی��ا ر و‬ ‫�ل ش‬ ‫ا �ل‬ � ‫ح�ا ل �ش��د ن��د ا�م��یر ن��صر �ص�ا‬ � ��‫ح� ب� ا ج��ی‬

‫ن �ذ‬ ‫�غ ن� ق‬ ‫ز‬ ‫�ق‬ ‫خ‬ ‫ن ش ن‬ � ‫�و� وا لی ��سر��س �بر �ع�� ب� ا و روا � ��د ��د ا و ا‬ ‫و ا ر��س�لا � ج��ا ب� وا لی طو��س و ��ط��ا ج‬ ‫آن‬ ‫ش‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ق‬ �‫�من��د ن��ه�ا د و ا ز� � ج‬ ‫خ�و�ف� ا ی� ش��ا ن� رو�ی ب� �ک‬ ‫��ا ب��طر�� ب��س��ط�ا م ��م��س ا ل��م�ع�ا لی ��ا ب�و��س‬

The last sentences of folio 285b are:

‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫آن‬ ‫ا ز� ا ن �ش �ه ن‬ ‫�ز‬ ‫��ا � ب�م�د ا ��ع� ت� �ر��س��ت�ا د ت�ا ا و را ا ز� � � ح�د ود ا �زع�ا ج ک‬ �‫�رد ن��د و ب ج��ا ن� ب‬ ‫د و �ه ا ر �مرد � کرد � ��ا ج‬ � ‫آ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫� ا ن ا خ� ت ا ز � � ن‬ ‫��ا ب��س�ا ر�� ت� ب��سر ��سر خ�ک ب��د و پ�ی��غ��ا �ر��س��ت�ا د و ا و را ب�موا �عی��د‬ ‫بی��ا ر ��د �� و � ج‬ ‫م‬

105 Folio 286a starts with these words:

‫آ‬ ‫ق��ت��ل�غ ا �ن��ا ن� ا �ه��ف� � ت� �ه�ز ا ��س ا خ� ا ز م ا ز ��س��ل��ط�ا ن� ت�� ش‬ ‫��ه�ا ر م‬ �‫ک�� م�د د � �م�د د ر چ‬ � ‫حر ��سن��ه‬ � ‫ر و ر و ر� ی‬ ‫ی ج� ر‬ ‫و‬ ‫م م‬ ‫� �ُ �ف ا ن ق �ت�غ ا �ن ن� خ� ا ز � ن‬ ‫�ت��س�ع�� ن �خ�م��س ئ‬ ‫ا‬ � �� ‫م‬ ‫ا‬ � � ‫ل‬ � � � � ‫�د‬ ‫د‬ ‫د‬ ‫ا‬ � ‫�د‬ ‫�ه‬ ‫ص‬ ‫م‬ �� ‫ی� و ما ب ر ر ی‬ � ‫ی ج� و و ر� ی‬ ‫ت � خت‬ ‫ز �ت ص� ن� ف‬ ‫� ن �ذ � � م � ن � �ه� ت�أ � ف‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ش‬ � � � � ‫ه‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ا‬ �� 106 ��‫ای� ی�ل ا بوح�ا م�د حمد ب� ا برا ی � ی�ل�� کرد ��س�� ب��ع�د � � ی�� ک�ه م��م�ل ��س�� بر ��ا م‬ ‫م‬ ‫ن �غ‬ � ‫کا ر ��س��ل��ط�ا � ��ط�رل‬

Folio 327b finishes with the words as follows:

Majma ʿ al-tawarikh and Its Surviving Illustrated Copies

see the second form of calligraphy among the Rashidi leaves of the manuscript (fig. 3C). 329b–341b These thirteen leaves encompass a complete history of the Khwarazmshahs and Salghurids. Interestingly, in the middle of folio 340b, the calligraphy of the Divided manuscript changes and thus the third calligraphy of the Rashidi folios of Hazine 1653 appears (fig. 3D). At the location of the ʿunwan on folio 329b, there is a wide gold border and an unfinished drawing sketched out in black in the style of the sixteenth-century illuminations.107 Volume IV 342a–b The recto of this folio remains empty and its verso contains the beginning of the subsection on the Ismaʿilis. The transcription of the text of this page including a large bismillah was done by Hafiz-i Abru. In the Safavid period, the bismillah, which is located inside the ʿunwan, was erased by someone who wanted to add illumination, but it was never done.108 343a–392b These fifty folios contain a history of the Ismaʿilis, a history of the Ughuz Turks, and three pages from the beginning of Chinese history.109 These folios belong to the Undivided Rashidi ّٰ ‫ن‬ ‫ح��س ن ت�وف�ی��ق�ه و ا �ل‬ � ‫ح��م�د �ل��ل�ه ر ب� ا �ل�ع�ا لم��ی� و‬ � �‫و‬

ّٰ �‫ت�م�ا �ش��د ت�ا ری�خ ��س�� غل�ر �ا ن� �م��لک ف��ا ر��س ب‬ � ‫ح��م�د ا �ل��ل�ه‬ ‫ی‬ � ‫آ‬ ّ‫م‬ ‫�ص��لوه و ا �ل��س�لا ع��ل ر��سو�ل�ه محمد و � �ل�ه و �ص‬ � ‫ح��ب�ه‬ ��‫ا �ل‬ ‫م ی‬ ٍ

107 Folio 341b finishes with the following sentences:

‫ف‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ح��م�د �ل�ّ�لٰ�ه � ا �ل�ع�ا لم�� ن ا �ل�ع�ا ق�� ه �ل�ل�م��ت��ق�� ن لا ع�د ا ن� الا ع��ل ا � ظ ن‬ ‫ا �ل‬ � ‫و‬ ‫ی� و‬ ‫ی� و‬ �‫ل��ا لم��ی� | ا�م�ا ب��ع�د �مو�ل�� ا�ی‬ ‫�ب‬ ‫رب‬ ‫ی آ‬ ّٰ ‫ن ن ت‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ن‬ � ‫�ی�� ب� و �م��ص ن�� ا�ی� �ر �ی�� ب� ر ش��ی��د ا �ل��ط��ب�� ب� ا �ص��ل�� ا �ل��ل�ه ا‬ �� ‫حوا �ل�ه �بر � را �ی �م��ط�ا �ل�ع�ا � ا�ی‬ ‫ت�ر�ک‬ ‫کا ب� و‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ح‬ ‫ن‬ ‫�ش � آ ف� گ ت‬ ‫�م��س��ت �ف� ��د ا ن �ع ا ��د ا � ن‬ � ‫��ه ب��ع�د ا ز� ح�م�د و �� ک�ر � ر�ی�د‬ ‫ی� ب�ا ب� می �م�ای��د ک‬ ‫�ا ر ��ع�ا لی‬ ‫ی � وی‬

108 The starting sentences of folio 342b are:

‫ن ت‬ ‫ئ‬ ‫کا � د ق��س ن��ه�ا د � | ق��س ا | د �ذ ک خ �ف‬ ‫ّ �غ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ب��ا ء ا�ی� �� ب� بر و م � یم م ول ر‬ ‫�ر ��ل� �ا ء ع��لو�ی�ه و ا �م�ه ��م�ه�د ی��ه �م�ر ب� و �م��صر‬ ‫�ز ت‬ ‫ز‬ ‫| �ق��س د د د �ع ت‬ � �‫� د ا �عی��ا ن� �م��ق�د ا �ی ش��ا ن‬ � ‫ح��س ن� ��ص��ب�اح ح�م��یر�ی | ای� د ��ع�ا لی �ج �م�ل�ه را ا‬ ‫م وم ر و‬ ‫م‬ ‫�ف‬ ‫�ذ‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ض‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ن‬ � � � �‫�مورد ض��لا �ل� ت� و ج‬ � ‫��ه�ا �ل�� و �م��س�ا �لک ک�� ر و ب��د ع�� د ور د ا رد ب�م��ه و ��ل�ه | ��س ا ول | د ر ک‬ ‫�ر‬ ‫�ف م‬ ‫ش ن‬ ‫خ �ف‬ ‫��ه�ا د ه ن��ف� � د ن��د �م�د ت‬ ‫� د و�ی��س� ت� و �ه�� ت�ا د و د و ��س�ا ل‬ ‫��ل� �ا ء ع��لو�ی�ه ط�ا �هر�ی�ه ��م�ه�د ی��ه و ا ی��ا � چ� � ر‬ ‫ر بو و‬ ‫ن‬ ‫� د ن��د �م �� ا � ن‬ ‫خ فت‬ ‫�رده‌ا ن��د‬ ‫��ه � ظ�� ک‬ ‫ی� ت�رت�ی�� ب� ک‬ ‫��لا �� کر ب و ج ب‬ ‫م‬ The same page finishes with the sentences as follows:

‫آ‬ ‫ق‬ ‫�ف‬ ‫ت �ز ص�غ‬ ‫�ف ن‬ ‫ی�ا �م� ن �ل�ه خ��لا � ق� م‬ � � ‫ح��مود ه و ا �لرا �ی و ا �ل�� ط��ه و ا �ل�می��ی�� | ا � ع��لی ع�د ه � ل ج� ��ع�� ٍر ا �ل��ص�ا د‬ � ‫ی‬

109 Folio 343a begins with an Arabic poem:

Chapter 3

anuscript like folios 164a–219b, 227a–284b, and 286a–327b. m Folio 378b carries the last Rashidi illustration of the Undivided manuscript. After this folio, there are some empty spaces left for paintings (fols. 389b and 391a) or diagrams (fol. 392a–b). 393a–410b These eighteen leaves deal with the Chinese history and belong to the Divided manuscript (like fols. 329a–341b). The text finishes in the upper half of folio 410a.110 The two sides of this folio carry some notes from the Ilkhanid owners of the manuscript. 411a–421b These eleven folios, containing Rashid al-Din’s history of the Franks, are penned by Hafiz-i Abru.111 At the top of the written surface of folio 411b, on the pinkish paper of the margin there is a primary sketch for illumination. 422a–435b The last section of the book deals with Indian history, which is written in fine naskh script by one of the calligraphers of Shahrukh’s kitabkhana (fig. 3E).112 On folio 422a, there exists a large rhombus square containing the chapter’s title, “Tarikh-i mamalik-i hindustan (The History of India)” in geometric kufic script.

‫آن‬ ‫�ا خ� ا��ه ن��ص�� ا �ل�د � ن‬ � � ‫�رد ه و د ر ت�ا ری�خ ای��ل�� خ��ا �نی �مث�� ب�� ت� ا ��س� ت� ا�م�ا‬ ‫��ه‬ ‫ی� ت��ق ر�یر ک‬ ‫یر‬ ‫ب وج‬ ‫چ‬ � ‫ف‬ ‫�ت‬ �‫و ت�� ب�ع ر�� ت‬

Folio 392b finishes with these words:

‫د ا�ن‬ ��‫ی� ��ع�ه�د ت��ف‬ ‫ر‬ ‫ح��ص‬

‫آن‬ ‫ت �ت‬ ‫فت ز‬ ‫ت �ق‬ ‫��ه د ا � ن‬ ‫ت‬ ‫� د ه د ز ی� خ ن ث ت‬ ��‫ی� ��ع�ه�د ت��ف‬ � ‫ح��ص و �� ب�ع ر�� ا‬ ‫� ای��ل��ا �ی �م�� ب�� ا ��س�� ا�م�ا � چ� ر‬ ‫�� ر�یر کر و ر � ج‬ ‫ت��ف� ��ص�� ت� ا �خ‬ �‫� �ش‬ �‫رح و یل و ری‬

110 Folio 393a starts with these words:

The end of the text on the Chinese history on folio 410a is arranged in the form of a triangular colophon with the following words:

‫ن �ق ض ش‬ ‫�م�� ی ��د و‬ ]�‫ب�ا �ل��صوا ب‬

‫آ ق‬ � �‫و خ��ا ن��ه�ا ب��سو خ�� ت� ا و ن�ی��ز د ر �می��ا ن� خ��ا ن��ه ��سو خ��ت�ه �ش��د و �ج �م�ل�ه د و�ل� ت� � ن‬ ‫و‬ ‫ّٰ م‬ ‫گ‬ ‫نگ‬ ‫�غ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫�ش‬ �‫�ا د �ش��ا �هی و ج‬ � ‫�ی��ز خ��ا � را �م��س��ل‬ ‫�� ت� و ا �ل��ل�ه [ا ع��ل‬ � ��‫��ه�ا ن��د ا ر �ی ا ورو ن�ا �م�د ا ر چ‬ ‫پ‬ ‫م‬ ‫م‬

‫آن‬ ‫ن آن‬ ‫ز �ذ‬ ‫ن ت ق‬ ‫� لا �ا ت‬ �‫� و � �ش� ر �ا د �ش��ا �هی �ا د �ش��ا �ه�ا ن� � ج‬ � � ‫ت�ا ری�خ ا ف�ر� و‬ ‫��ا‬ ‫��ه ب��د ا � ��ع��ل� د ا رد ا � کر و ی‬ ‫� ج� چ‬ ‫پ‬ ‫حپ‬ ‫ز ن‬ � ‫�م��لک �هر ی�ک ا ��ی ش��ا‬

111 Folio 411a carries only the chapter’s title, which is written in thulth as follows:

‫�م�د ت‬ � ‫و‬

‫ن‬ ‫ا ز ا �ت��د ا ء ظ��ه �آ د � فص�� ا �ل�ّ�لٰ�ه ت�ا ا � ن‬ ‫��ه �ش��هور ��سن��ه‬ ‫ی� ز��م�ا � ک‬ ‫� ب‬ ‫� ور م ی‬ ‫�ق �ق‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ت‬ ‫�ش‬ ‫م��م��ل��س�� بر د و ��س | ��س ا ول‬ ‫م م‬

Folio 411b begins with the words as follows:

‫ن‬ �‫ا ف�ر‬ ‫ج‬ � ‫آن‬ �� ‫و‬

‫ف��ه ��س� ت� | ا �ق��س�ا ا � ا � ت�ا �خ‬ ‫�ر‬ �‫م بو ب ری‬ ‫�خ‬ ‫ئ‬ ‫ت‬ � ‫ه‬ ��‫�م��س و ��س��ب�عما ��ه ج�ر�ی ا ��س‬

112 The history of India on folio 422b starts with the following sentences:

Majma ʿ al-tawarikh and Its Surviving Illustrated Copies

Figure 3

Different types of calligraphy in Hazine 1653 and the dispersed manuscript. A: Hafiz-i Abru’s handwriting (Hazine 1653, fols. 1b–163b, 220a–226b, 285a–b, 328a– b, 342b, 411a–421b).

B: The Undivided manuscript (Hazine 1653, fols. 164a–219b, 227a–284b, 286a–327b, 343a–392b).

C: The Divided manuscript (Hazine 1653, fols. 329a–340b, 393a–396b, 399a–400a, 401a–405b; and all known cream-coloured folios of the dispersed manuscript).

D: The Divided manuscript (Hazine 1653, fols. 340b–341b, 403a–410a). E: The script of one of the calligraphers of Shahrukh’s kitabkhana in Hazine 1653 (fols. 422b–435b).

F: The calligraphy of Herati papers in the dispersed manuscript.

In sum, 206 folios of the manuscript come from the Undivided Rashidi manuscript, and thirty-one leaves belong to the Divided manuscript of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh. One hundred eighty-four folios were penned by Hafiz-i Abru, and fourteen folios were copied by one of the calligraphers of Shahrukh’s ‫آ‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ض‬ ‫ن �غ‬ ‫کا � ت�ا ی�خ �ه ن��د ��سن��د �ش‬ �‫�ک��م��یر | ا ز� � ن� ج‬ �� ‫��ه� ت� ک‬ �‫��ه طول و �عر�� مم�ا �لک �ه ن��د و��س��ت�ا � ب��ا ی� ت‬ ‫ر‬ ‫و‬ ‫و‬ ‫ب‬ � ‫ح��ص �م ا �ع��ت��ق�ا د ا ت‬ ‫� ا �ی ش��ا ن� خ��لا �ف� ا �ص�ل ا ��س�لا‬ � ‫و��سی�� و ف��س��ی�� ا ��س� ت� و �ا د �ش��ا �ه�ا ن� ب�ی‬ ‫و‬ ‫و‬ ‫ر‬ ‫ر‬ ‫پ‬ ‫گآ م‬ ‫ع‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ح � � ت �خ ا ش ن‬ � ‫کا ی��ب� �غ�ی ا ط�لا د ا �ش��ت�ی �م��ی��سر و �م��ق�د ور � ش��د �م‬ ‫د ری� ن� �م��لک �ک‬ ‫��سی ک�ه بر �ا ری ی��ا‬ ‫�ر � ن�ک‬ � ‫م‬ ‫ف ع‬ ‫ض ف� ا ا ز ا ف� ا ه ا ت � ف ن‬ ‫� �م��س�ا �را � ا �� تس�ما ا ��ت�ا د‬ ‫ب��ع��ی و ی��د � و رو‬ ‫ع‬

Chapter 3

kitabkhana.113 Appendix 2 includes a complete list of the headings and all illustrations of Hazine 1653. The manuscript contains three colophons, one from Rashid al-Din’s scriptorium and two others from Shahrukh’s workshop. The Ilkhanid colophon appears on folio 375a and reads (fig. 4A): The history of the Ismaʿilis and Nizaris was finished from the works of the greatest and fairest master, Rashid of the truth and world and religion – the mainstay of Islam and the Muslims, may God bless the helpers of his state – through the help of the Mighty Creator, at the end of Jumada II of the year 714 [beginning of October 1314] in the handwriting of the slave al-Hafiz al-Muskani, praise and prayer and peace be upon the Prophet Muhammad and all his righteous and pure family.114 The first Timurid colophon is located at the end of the pre-Islamic history on folio 148a and reads (fig. 4B): The first part of the book was finished on the sixth of the sacred Muharram of the year 829 (November 17, 1425) by the hand of author, the humble slave, the most needy among the creation of the Almighty God, ʿAbd-Allah ibn Lutf-Allah ibn ʿAbd al-Rashid, al-Bihdadini by lineage, and al-Harawi by birth, who is called Hafiz-i Abru, may God success him to gain His pleasure and may He make the future of his life better than the past.115 The second Timurid colophon is designed in an apocryphal square kufic script on folio 421b (fig. 4C). The text of the colophon is rendered again in a cursive

113 Güner Inal’s identification of Hafiz-i Abru’s addition to the manuscript (fols. 1b–163b, 220a–226b, 342a and 391b–435b) is clearly incorrect. See Inal, “Fourteenth-century miniatures,” 43.

‫ز‬ ‫�خ�د ا � ظ‬ ‫ن �ف ت‬ ‫ن�ز‬ � ‫ت�م�ا �ش��د ت�ا ری�خ‬ �‫ع�� ا ع�د ل ��س��ل��ط�ا ن ا �ل ا ف‬ ‫� ا �س��م�عی�� ی�ل��ه و � ا ر�ی�ه ا � �م��ص�� ا � م و‬ ‫� و�زر ی م‬ ‫م‬ ‫م‬ ‫م‬ ‫ح ق ا �ل�د ن��ا ا �ل�د � ن �ع�م�ا د الا ��س�لا ا لم��س�ل�م�� ن ا �ع�ز ا �ل�ّ�لٰ�ه نا��ص�ا د � ت�ل��ه ��ا � �ا � �ع�ز‬ ‫ش‬ � ‫ل‬ � ‫ا‬ ‫�د‬ �� ‫ب‬ ‫ر‬ ‫ر‬ ‫ر‬ ‫و‬ ‫و‬ ‫و‬ ‫و‬ ‫ی یب ی‬ �‫ی‬ �‫ی‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ر�� ی‬ � ‫م‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ع�� ه ��س� �ع ئ��ه �خ‬ ‫خ‬ ‫خ‬ ‫ح�ا ف� ظ�� و ا �ل‬ ‫��ا �ی ا �ل‬ � � �‫��ط ا �ل�ع��ب�د ا لم��س ک‬ ‫ح��م�د‬ ‫ا ��سم�ه �ی ا وا �ر �ج �م�ا د �ی الا �ر ��سن��ه ا ر ب�ع � �ش ر و �ب ما ب‬ ‫آ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ �‫�لو�ی�ل��ه و ا �ل��ص��لوه و ا �ل��س�لا م ع��لی ��ب� ی��ه محمد و � �ل�ه ا �ل��طی��ب ی�� ا �ل��ط�ا �هر�ی� ا �ج �م�ع��ی‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ت ق‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ث نئ‬ ‫ح ا ��سن��ه �ت��س � �ش‬ ‫ل�ا � ف�ی ��س�ا د ��س م‬ �‫حر ا �ل‬ � 115 ��‫�م� ت� ��س الا ول �م� ن� ا � ک‬ ��‫ع�� ر�ی ن� و �م�ا �م�ا ��ه ع��لی ی��د ا لمو�ل‬ ‫عو‬ ‫ر‬ ‫ب‬ ‫م‬ ‫م‬ ‫م‬ ٰ ٰ ٰ ً � ‫حو ج خ��ل ق� ا �ل�ّ�ل�ه �ت�ع�ا لی �ع��ب�د ا �ل�ّ�ل�ه � نب� �ل��ط��ف� ا �ل�ّ�ل�ه � نب� �ع��ب�د ا �لر ش��ی��د ا ��لب��ه�د ا د �نی م‬ � ‫ا �ل�ع��ب�د ا � ضل��عی�� ف� ا‬ ‫ح��ت�د ا‬ � ّٰ ً ‫ف‬ ‫�ف‬ �‫و ا ��ل�هرو�ی �مو�ل�د ا ا لم�د �عو ب‬ ‫�� ی��ه‬ ‫�� ی��ه و ج��ع�ل �م��س��ت��ق��ب�ل�ع�مره خ��یرا �م� ن� �م�ا �ض‬ ‫ح�ا � ظ�� ا �برو و��ق�ه ا �ل��ل�ه ل�مرا �ض‬ 114 ‫ا �ل�ع�ا ل‬

Majma ʿ al-tawarikh and Its Surviving Illustrated Copies

Figure 4A Hazine 1653, detail of fol. 375a

Figure 4B Hazine 1653, detail of fol. 148a

Figure 4C Hazine 1653, detail of fol. 521b Figure 4

The colophons of Hazine 1653

Chapter 3

divani script below it that is similar to those scripts used in Ottoman divans.116 Both inscriptions read:117 The transcription of the history of the Franks was finished by the hand of the weak slave ʿAbd-Allah ibn Lutf-Allah, who is called Hafiz-i Abru in the month of Shaʿban of the year 829 [June–July 1426].118 7

The Illustration Cycle of the Timurid Parts of Hazine 1653

The entire manuscript contains 116 illustrations, of which sixty-nine come from the Rabʿ-i Rashidi,119 and forty-seven were worked in Shahrukh’s kitabkhana. In addition, twenty-seven pages contain depictions of the Chinese emperors.120 Usually each page carries one painting and the only exception is folio 376b that has two Ilkhanid compositions. Unlike the earlier illustrations in the Arabic copy of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh, all paintings of Hazine 1653 are rectangles that stretch across the text. The only exception is the small miniature “Four monkeys in the mountains of India,” which is placed at the lower left corner of the written area of folio 425b. All depictions of the Chinese emperors were added on empty spaces of the folios of the Divided manuscript in Shahrukh’s

116 For the divani script, see Faza‌ʾili, Atlas-i khatt, 420–30. 117 Ettinghausen has read this colophon, “tammat kitab Tarikh al-Ifranj …” but the correct word is “kitabat (transcription).” For this reason, he considered the Tarikh al-Ifranj as an incorrect title of the book. Ettinghausen, “An illuminated manuscript,” 30–31, 33. However, this colophon contains the accomplishment date of the chapter on the history of Franks. 118

ٰ ٰ ‫ف‬ ‫�ف‬ �‫ا �ل�ع��ب�د ا �ل��ف��ق��یر �ع��ب�د ا �ل�ّ�ل�ه � نب� �ل��ط��ف� ا �ل�ّ�ل�ه ا لم�د �عو ب‬ ‫ح�ا � ظ�� ا �برو �ی‬ ‫ث ن‬ ‫و �م�ا �م�ائ��ه‬

‫ف ن‬ ‫ت ت‬ ‫کا ب� ت� ت�ا ری�خ الا �رج� ع��لی ی��د‬ �� ‫�م� ت‬ � ‫ن � ت‬ ‫�ش ن‬ ‫ش ش‬ ‫ن‬ �‫��هر ��ع��ب�ا � ��س��ه ��سع و �ع�� ر�ی‬

119 Güner Inal has mistaken in the number of illustrations that come from the Rabʿ-i Rashidi. She has identified sixty-eight paintings belonging to the Ilkhanid style. Inal, “Fourteenthcentury miniatures,” 43; Idem, “Artistic relationship,” 142–43; and Blair, Compendium of chronicles, 28, 64. Inal’s list of the Ilkhanid paintings of the manuscript does not include “Enthronement of Majd al-Dawla” on folio 280b. Moreover, in some cases, her identification of the illustrations of the manuscript is erroneous. For a list of the Ilkhanid paintings of the manuscript, see Appendix 2 of the present work. 120 Ettinghausen and Inal have simply stated that the manuscript has 142 miniatures. In fact, this is the number of illustrated pages of the manuscript, not the number of paintings. On 115 pages, 116 compositions have been painted; and if we add 115 with 27 pages drawings of Chinese emperors, the result is 142. Ettinghausen, “An illuminated manuscript,” 30; and Inal, “Fourteenth-century miniatures,” 41.

Majma ʿ al-tawarikh and Its Surviving Illustrated Copies

workshop.121 Starting from folio 394b and continuing up to folio 409b, these drawings consist of depictions of 116 human figures. The Shahrukhi illuminations of the manuscript can be found only on two sides of the first leaf. On the recto of the folio, there exists a circular shamsa with an inscription recording,122 “From the treasury of the most mighty and most generous Sultan Shahrukh, may his rule endure.”123 Below the dedicatory shamsa, the imprint of Shahrukh’s library seal appears (fig. 5). The verso of the first folio bears an illuminated ʿunwan with an inscription of bismillah’s translation in Persian.124 Like other Herati illumination of the period, the illuminations are predominately in lapis lazuli and gold. The shamsa inscription is written in thulth script and in white against a golden background. The flowering kufic inscription of the ʿunwan is also in white but on a background of lapis lazuli. The Safavid illuminations of the manuscript consist of four illuminated ʿunwans that have been worked at the beginning of four subsections including fol. 6b (the beginning of creation), fol. 375b (Ughuz Turks), fol. 391b (Chinese), and fol. 422b (Indians). The Safavid illuminator has also gilded the empty backgrounds of two Rashidi illustrations of Ughuz Turks on folios 375b and 376b.125 The first volume, which is composed by Hafiz-i Abru, contains thirty-two paintings. The highest rate of illustrations in this volume is the section on the history of Pishdadiyan, the earliest dynasty of the Persian kings, with seven miniatures on fifteen folios. The second volume starts with a block of fifteen leaves transcribed by Hafiz-i Abru and illustrated with three paintings. Next, come four Ilkhanid illustrations (fols. 165b–170b) concerning the battles of the Prophet Muhammad. The following ninety-seven folios that deal with the end of the life of the Prophet and the Umayyad and ʿAbbasid caliphates remain unillustrated. The varied rate of illustrations of the Ilkhanid part of the manuscript is similar to Hazine 1654 and the Arabic codex of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh.126 121 For reproduction of the entire pages of the section on the Chinese history, see Jahn, Die Chinageschichte, pls. 1–38. The folios of the Chinese section in Hazine 1653 have been jumbled at the time of remargination or the adding of catchwords. Therefore, the present study follows the folio numbers that are correctly offered by Karl Jahn rather than the current order of the leaves. 122 The initial shamsa of the manuscript is published by Ettinghausen, “An illuminated manuscript,” fig. 3.

‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ظ‬ ‫� �م �ش��ا �ه خ‬ ‫خ�ز ن‬ ‫��ه‬ ‫� ��س��ل��ط�ا � خ��ل�د �م��ل �ک‬ ‫ر‬ ‫�بر��س��م � ا ��ه ا �ل��س��ل��ط�ا � الا �ع��م الا کر‬ ‫�خ ش �ن ه � ن‬ 124 � ‫ب�ن��ا �م ای��ز د ب��ا ی��د �م�هرب�ا‬ 123

125 For the reproduction of these paintings, see Jahn, Die Geschichte der Oġuzen, figs. 1 and 5. 126 In the Arabic version of the manuscript, there is a block of eighty-two folios without illustration in the part of the history from the end of the life of the Prophet up to the end

Chapter 3

Figure 5A Hazina 1653 folio 1a

Figure 5B Detail of folio 1a Figure 5

The initial shamsa of Hazina 1653 on folio 1a

Majma ʿ al-tawarikh and Its Surviving Illustrated Copies

In the third volume, the history of the Ghaznavids (fols. 267b–302a) contains twenty-two Ilkhanid illustrations. Moreover, folio 285 that is the only Shahrukhi leaf of this section carries one painting. The subchapter on the Saljuqs (fols. 302b–328a) encompasses fifteen Ilkhanid paintings. Next come the histories of the Khwarazmshahs and Salghurids from the Divided manuscript. While the latter remain unillustrated, the section on the Khwarazmshahs has two Ilkhanid and three Shahrukhi paintings. In the fourth volume, the subsections on the Ismaʿilis and Fatimids (fols. 342b–375a) again are richly illustrated with nineteen Ilkhanid paintings. The last series of Ilkhanid illustrations of the manuscript are seven paintings on four consecutive leaves at the beginning of the history of the Ughuz Turks (fols. 375b–378b). The following Ilkhanid leaves concerning the life of Ughuz contain five Shahrukhi paintings that have been worked on the places left empty for illustrations. Most folios of the Chinese history, which belong to the Divided manuscript, contain Shahrukhi depictions. The last two subsections of the manuscript, which deal with the histories of the Franks and Indians, are Shahrukhi additions. In clear contrast to Hazine 1654, the Frankish history is only illustrated with one painting. Since some folios at the end of the manuscript are missing we do not know the number of illustrations of the Indian history, but the surviving folios carry two paintings. Significantly, the last surviving painting of the manuscript (“A dervish becomes a king in India,” on folio 429b), which is the largest Shahrukhi illustration of the book, bears the typical panegyric inscription of Shahrukh.127 Perhaps this painting was intended to be the last illustration and its inscription works as a kind of dedication or colophon. The inscription, which is located on the interior walls of a palace, reads: The greatest Sultan, the owner of the necks of nations, the master of the Persian and Arabian kings, the shadow of God on the lands, the hero of sea and land, the sultan, son of the Sultan, Shahrukh Bahadur Khan, may God perpetuate his kingdom and sultanate.128

of the ʿAbbasids. Blair, Compendium of chronicles, 42–43. A similar block of eighty-five unillustrated folios can be found in Hazine 1654 (fols. 84–168). 127 The painting is reproduced by Ettinghausen, “An illuminated manuscript,” fig. 4.

‫ّٰ ف‬ ‫ظ‬ ‫ا �ل�عر ب� و ا �ل�ع�� ج��م ��ل ا �ل��ل�ه �ی‬ ٰ ّ ‫ن‬ .‫��ه و ��س��ل��ط�ا ن��ه‬ ‫ب��ه�ا د ر خ��ا � خ��ل�د ا �ل��ل�ه �م��ل �ک‬ ‫ض‬

‫ن‬ 128 �‫الا ر��ی‬

‫ق‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ظ‬ ‫ا �ل��س��ل��ط�ا � الا �ع��م �م�ا �لک ر��ا ب� الا �م��م �مولی �م��لوک‬ ‫�ق��ه �م�ا ن ا �ل��م�ا ء ا �ل��ط�� ن ��س��ل��ط�ا ن � ن ا �ل��س��ل��ط�ا ن �ش��ا �ه خ‬ � � ‫�ر‬ �‫� ب‬ �‫و ی‬ �‫ر‬

Chapter 3

The Shahrukhi illustrations of Hazine 1653 can be listed as follows: 1. Adam orders to Abel and Cain to sacrifice (fol. 9a). 2. The ark of Noah (fol. 12a).129 3. Kayumars enthroned (fol. 13b).130 4. Tahmuras on a battlefield (fol. 17b). 5. Jamshid enthroned (fol. 19a).131 6. Fereydun enthroned (fol. 21b).132 7. Manuchihr on a battlefield (fol. 23b). 8. Nawzar on a battlefield (fol. 26a).133 9. Afrasiyab orders the killing of Aghriras (fol. 27a). 10. The prophet Abraham in the fire (fol. 31b).134 11. Abraham sacrifices his son (fol. 35b).135 12. The prophet Jacob and his twelve sons (fol. 38b). 13. Joseph before the women of Egypt (fol. 41b).136 14. Moses orders the Israelites to sacrifice a cow (fol. 58b). 15. Moses and Korah (fol. 59b).137 16. Moses slays the giant ʿUj (fol. 62a).138 17. Solomon among demons, fairies, wildlife and birds (fol. 71a).139 18. Rustam in the battle between Kayqubad and Afrasiyab (fol. 74b). 19. The fire ordeal of Siyawash (fol. 77a). 20. Kaykhusraw contemplating the corpse of Piran (fol. 79b). 21. The daughter of the king of Rum chooses Gushtasb as her husband (fol. 81a). 22. The finding of Darab (fol. 90a). 23. Alexander and the dying Dara (fol. 91b).

129 Ettinghausen, “An illuminated manuscript,” fig. 5; and Shani, “Noah’s Ark,” fig. 3. 130 Inal, “Miniatures in historical manuscripts,” fig. 1. 131 Idem, “Fourteenth-century miniatures,” 402. 132 Ettinghausen, “An illuminated manuscript,” fig. 6; and Blair and Bloom, Art and architecture, 58. 133 Inal, “Fourteenth-century miniatures,” 402. 134 Gutmann, “Abraham in the fire,” pl. xxxvi. 135 Ettinghausen, “An illuminated manuscript,” fig. 7; Grube, Miniature Islamiche, pl. 65A; and Grube et al., Islamic painting, no. 74. 136 Inal, “Miniatures in historical manuscripts,” fig. 7. 137 Ettinghausen, “An illuminated manuscript,” fig. 8. 138 Grube, Miniature Islamiche, fig. 65B; Grube et al., Islamic painting, no. 75; and Gutmann & Moreen, “Combat between Moses and Og,” fig. 2. 139 Inal, “Miniatures in historical manuscripts,” fig. 12.

Majma ʿ al-tawarikh and Its Surviving Illustrated Copies

24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47.

ʿAmr ibn ʿUday after his recovery from madness (fol. 104a). Ardashir Babakan hunting (fol. 110b). Shapur killing the daughter of the king ʿArab Diran (fol. 115b). Shapur ibn Hurmuz playing polo (fol. 118b). Bahram-i Gur killing a lion (fol. 121a).140 Bahram-i Gur proves his right to the throne of Iran (fol. 122a). Hurmuz is captured after the battle with his brother Firuz (fol. 125b). The punishment of Firuz and his army (fol. 126a). The punishment of Mazdak and his followers (fol. 128b). Muhammad’s call to prophecy and the first revelation (fol. 154a).141 The Prophet Muhammad’s migration (fol. 160b). The Prophet watches his followers who are building the mosque at Medina (fol. 161b). The battle between Muntasir and Ilak Khan (fol. 285b). Il Arsalan enthroned (fol. 330a). The battle between ʿAla al-Din Muhammad Khwarazmshah and Shihab al-Din Ghuri (fol. 332b). The battle between Jalal al-Din and the Georgians (fol. 337b). The expedition of Ughuz to Egypt (fol. 382a).142 Ughuz Khan receives messengers with gifts (fol. 383b).143 The enthronement of Kun Khan, the son of Ughuz (fol. 384a).144 The dog Qara Buraq drives off the wolves (fol. 386b).145 Kul Erki Khan, Tuman Khan and Qurqurt (fol. 387a).146 Saint Peter the apostle ( fituris-i hawari) (fol. 416a).147 Four monkeys in the mountains of India (fol. 425b). A dervish becomes a king in India (fol. 429b).148

140 Swietochowski, “Development of traditions,” fig. 3. 141 Inal, “Miniatures in historical manuscripts,” fig. 11. 142 Jahn, Die Geschichte der Oġuzen, fig. 12; and Togan, Oğuz destanı, pl. v. 143 Jahn, Die Geschichte der Oġuzen, fig. 17; and Togan, Oğuz destanı, pl. v. 144 Jahn, Die Geschichte der Oġuzen, fig. 19; and Togan, Oğuz destanı, pl. vi. As mentioned before, folio 384 was replaced with folio 377, and here the correct locations of these two leaves have been considered. 145 Jahn, Die Geschichte der Oġuzen, fig. 20. 146 Ibid., fig. 22; and Togan, Oğuz destanı, pl. vi. 147 Jahn, Die Frankengeschichte, pl. 46. 148 Ettinghausen, “An illuminated manuscript,” fig. 4.

80 8

Chapter 3

Some Remarks on Foreign Relations as Reflected in these Manuscripts

Since our historical manuscripts were produced in the workshops of an Ilkhanid vizier and a Timurid sultan, there should be strong connections between politics and the kitabkhana. Significantly, the foreign relations of the Persian capitals of Tabriz and Herat in the beginning of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries can be studied in the manuscripts Hazine 1654, Hazine 1653 and the dispersed manuscript. In contrast to what has always been accepted, Rashid al-Din had greater interest in the West.149 As Hazine 1654 demonstrates, Rashid al-Din’s scriptorium left a large amount of empty space for illustrating the Frankish history in fifty-five pages (from fol. 301a to fol. 328a),150 while the Chinese history of the same manuscript has twenty-three illustrated pages.151 Historical sources also record several political and commercial missions from Persia to the European courts throughout the Ilkhanid period.152 At the end of the fourteenth century, by the shift of capital eastward from Tabriz to Herat, relations with the West lost their importance. What had been transcribed in Hazine 1654 on sixty-six pages (from fol. 295b to fol. 328a) – including fifty-five illustrated pages – in Hazine 1653 is written on twenty pages and the names of the Frankish kings and popes with their brief biographies come consecutively without the numerous spaces left for depictions.153 The Frankish history in Hazine 1653, which has been inserted by Hafiz-i Abru, is only illustrated with one painting. Similarly, it seems that the Frankish history of the dispersed manuscript was not illustrated. On the other hand, the 149 Erroneous statistical information of Hazine 1654 provided by Güner Inal, who said nothing of the depictions of the Frankish popes and kings, led later scholars to conclude that Rashid al-Din’s history of the Franks was a subsidiary section of his book. For instance, see Blair, Compendium of chronicles, 54. 150 In these fifty-five illustrated pages, more than three hundred depictions of the Frankish popes and kings can be found. As mentioned earlier, these depictions were added in Shahrukh’s kitabkhana. 151 The illustrated pages of the Chinese subsection of Hazine 1654 are as follows: fols. 254b– 258b, 260a, 262a, 263a, 264a, 265b, 267a–271a. In addition to these twenty-three pages, one more painting can be found on fol. 252b. This painting, which shows “Khwaja Nasir al-Din Tusi in the court of Hulagu Khan,” was added in Shahrukh’s kitabkhana to the vacant space left for a diagram (reproduced by Jahn, Die Chinageschichte, pl. 3; and Inal, “Some miniatures,” fig. 2). The major parts of the counterpart folio in Hazine 1653 (fol. 392a–b) remains empty. 152 Ibid., 54. For Rashid al-Din’s attitude towards the West, see Jahn, “Rashīd al-Dīn’s knowledge.” 153 The entire folios of the Frankish history of Hazine 1653 and thirty-five pages of this subsection in Hazine 1654 are reproduced by Jahn, Die Frankengeschichte, pls. 1–56.

Majma ʿ al-tawarikh and Its Surviving Illustrated Copies

Shahrukhi depictions of the Frankish subsection of Hazine 1654 are very repetitive, thus giving the impression of a rote arrangement. It seems that they have been added to the manuscript, only to fill the blank spaces. Comparison of Hazine 1653 with Hazine 1654 reveals one more evidence of the changing foreign relations of the Ilkhanid and Timurid courts. The subsection on the history of India in Hazine 1653, which was transcribed in Shahrukh’s workshop, has only two paintings, whereas the same subsection in Hazine 1654 had at least twenty-three illustrations.154 Apparently, in the fifteenth century, among the subchapters on the history of other nations, the Ughuz Turks and Chinese had more importance: these subchapters in the dispersed manuscript, which were copied in Shahrukh’s kitabkhana, kept their high rate of illustrations, while the other subsections in the dispersed manuscript have low rates of painting.

∵

The “Divided Manuscript” as a Hitherto Unknown Copy of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh Produced at the Rabʿ-i Rashidi

Some evidence in Hazine 1653 proves that among its Rashidi folios thirty-one belong to a separate manuscript. A block of thirteen folios appears in the history of the Khwarazmshahs and Salghurids, and the second block of eighteen folios can be found in the section on Chinese history.155 With the exception of the last folio, all folios of the history of Saljuqs come from the Rabʿ-i Rashidi. The last folio (328a), which has been inserted into the manuscript by Hafiz-i Abru, contains, in around four hundred words, a continuation of the text of the previous folio up to the end of the subchapter on the Saljuqs.156 A comparison 154 All the illustrations of the section on the history of India in Hazine 1654 are published by Jahn, Rashīd-al-Dīn’s history of India, 55–81. For a discussion on Rashid al-Din’s relation with India, see Nizami, “Rashid al-Din.” 155 The fifteenth-century depictions of the Chinese emperors led Güner Inal to conclude that all folios of the Chinese section belong to the folios substituted by Hafiz-i Abru. See Inal, “Fourteenth-century miniatures,” 43; and Blair, Compendium of chronicles, 43. 156 What is penned on folio 328a by Hafiz-i Abru is as follows:

‫گ ف �ت آ ن ق �ت�غ ن ن� گگ‬ ‫ت گ�ف‬ ‫�ا ن ف�� ت� د � ن ف��ت�� ا � ن‬ � �‫�ر�� ا ر � �م�د ��د �� ل ا ی��ا ج ب‬ � ‫ی� د و ب�ی��ی‬ ‫�� ت�ه‌ا ن��د‬ � ‫�ش��ک��س��ت�ه �ش��د ن��د و ب��سی��ا ر‬ � ‫�ر‬ � ‫ر‬ ‫ر‬ ‫و‬ � ‫ی‬ � ‫ح‬ ‫| ا � �� ش�� ع�ز ��ز ا ن ت� خ� ا ز م خ� ا | � خ� ن�� ّ ا ن ت� خ� ا ز‬ ‫��ه‬ ‫ر�می خ�وا ر | ز�ی� ن� ب��ی ش�� ن�ی��ا رن��د ک‬ ‫ی پ ی � ی � و و ر� ی و ر وی ج ر بر � و و‬ ‫آ‬ ‫ز‬ ‫�خ ا | ا ز ��ق �ع�ه ��سم ن��ا ن ت� خ� ا ز‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫نن‬ ‫ر�می خ�وا ر | ��س��ل��ط�ا ن� ��غط�رل �بر�ی � �م�د �م�ع��ی� ا �ل�د�ی� و�ی�ر را‬ ‫ب�ی��د ب�و آب� �آ ب‬ ‫� و و‬ ‫آ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ز ت �ف ق‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ۀ‬ ‫ز‬ ‫ت �ق‬ ‫�ت ت ش‬ ‫� �گ ف ت‬ ‫ن خ ز ش‬ �‫�ر�� و � وا �ز� � �م�د � �وا ر��م��ا ه �م� وا �ر ��د و ا � ا�� ا � ب��د و �� د�یر � ��سما �ی ��س��ل��ط�ا � �ه�م�ه رو‬ ‫ب‬

‫‪82‬‬

‫‪Chapter 3‬‬

‫‪of the text with Hazine 1654 folio 224b makes it clear that there is neither in‬‬‫‪terval nor abbreviation within the text, and it was copied correctly. The lower‬‬ ‫‪part of folio 328a and its verso (fol. 328b) remain empty. What has happened in‬‬ ‫‪the next folio is the starting point of this discussion.‬‬ ‫‪The text of folio 329a is a repetition of the last one hundred and fifty words‬‬ ‫‪of folio 328a.157 Moreover, the calligraphy of this folio differs from that of the‬‬ ‫ل�� ک� ن آ ن ت ن ن‬ ‫‌��م د ن��د ��ع�ض�� ا�م ا ء �م�ع �ف �م��ل��ط��ف� �ا ت‬ ‫� �ش� ا � م‌ خ� د � ش‬ ‫� ب��ه‬ ‫رو�‬ ‫�ر �یا � د ر � �م�د � ��ه�ا و� می و و‬ ‫ر ب ی ور و‬ ‫ر‬ ‫ب‬ ‫ی‬ ‫آ‬ ‫آ‬ ‫ن ت نگ‬ ‫ن �غ‬ ‫ز �ن� �ش ن‬ ‫�ت‬ ‫ن‬ ‫خ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫خ� ا ز � ش‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫م‬ ‫ال‬ ‫ه‬ ‫م��ا ه می‌�و�ش��د و ا و را بر � �م�د � ا را ء ‌ی کرد ��د �ا �ا �‬ ‫�ا رو� پج� ��ب��ه � ر رب�ی�ع ا ول‬ ‫و ر�‬ ‫ت‬ ‫�خ‬ ‫خ‬ ‫ز‬ ‫ئ‬ ‫ح��ص �م ّ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ش‬ ‫ش‬ ‫ش‬ ‫ت‬ ‫�‬ ‫��سن��ه ��س�ع��ی� و �م��س �م�ا ��ه وا ر��م��ا ه ��ک�� ب�ا �ل�� ک�‬ ‫�ر ب�ی ع�د و ح�د و ��س��پ�ا �هی ب�ی � ر و ر و‬ ‫ف آ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ۀ‬ ‫ز‬ ‫قض‬ ‫�ش‬ ‫ح��می ب�ی ا ن��د ا ز�ه ب��د روا �ز� ر �ی �رو � �م�د ��س��ل��ط�ا � ��غط�رل ا ز� ��هور و ک‬ ‫�ودکی و ��ا ء ب��د و رو�‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ق‬ ‫�ق ۀ‬ ‫خ ز ز‬ ‫نت‬ ‫��س��د ه �ا ا ن��دک �م�ا ��ه � �ش‬ ‫ح�� م �م��ص�ا �� د ا د و �بر ��ل� ب� �م�� دّ �م�� س��پ�ا ه �وا ر�م �د ب�ی �م�ع�ا و�� و‬ ‫ر ی ب‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ئ‬ ‫�ف‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ض‬ ‫ئ‬ ‫�ق‬ ‫�ق‬ ‫�ز‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ف �ق ت‬ ‫ن‬ ‫�‬ ‫ا‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫ل‬ ‫ل‬ ‫�‬ ‫ه‬ ‫�‬ ‫�موا �� س��پ�ا و چ و� �� دیر ای د ی را رد ��ی��س�� ا را د ل�� ا ��ه و ا م�� ر ب�ل��ل ��ه ��ه�ا بم�ا ��د ا و‬ ‫آ‬ ‫نگ‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ح��ل� ت� ا�� ا د ف�� ن� � ن‬ ‫�ر ف��ت ن��د و چ�و ن� ن��ف� ��س �م�ع�د ود ب��ه � خ�ر ر��سی��د �ه��ی��چ �‬ ‫را د ر �می��ا � �‬ ‫کا ��ا ل‬ ‫�ک��د م‬ ‫جل ر‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ع‬ ‫�‬ ‫�ت�أ‬ ‫ف �ذ‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ن ت ش ا � �آ ن‬ ‫�ت �ق �م ن � ا ق ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫خ‬ ‫ا��ل�ه�م لا ی��س� � �رو� ��س�ا ع�ه و لا ی��س� � �د و� و عر �ی��ا � ��س��ل��ط�ا � ��ک�� ر بر �‬ ‫��ع�ا لی ��ا ا ج��ا ء ج‬ ‫�ت‬ ‫� د ن��د ت� ن ا ا د �ا ز ا � ��ا خ‬ ‫ز تن‬ ‫��ه �‬ ‫��ت ن��د و ��سرش�� را ب�ب��غ��د ا د‬ ‫د ا �ش�� ن��د ک‬ ‫گ�سر ا وآرا ا � �� ج��د ا کرگ و � و ر ر ب � ر ر ی بی وی‬ ‫ف� ق‬ ‫ز ش‬ ‫ق �ق ت‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ف� ��س��ت�ا د �ب�زر� د � ن� ز د ��ت� � �ف �ت‬ ‫ر‬ ‫�� ه ا ��س�� موا � ح�ا ل و لا �ی� و �� | ا�مرو� ��ه�ا �مرا ب��سی‬ ‫ی ر رو� و ب یی‬ ‫�ت ن گ‬ ‫گ‬ ‫ز ن ز نگ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ت‬ ‫��ز � د | ا�م ز‬ ‫ز‬ ‫ز‬ ‫�ف‬ ‫خ‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ت‬ ‫�‬ ‫د �ل� �� ‬ ‫�ی ا ��س�� | ی��رو�ه چ�ر� �هر ��م�ا � ا � ر� �‬ ‫��ی��س�� |د �ی ا � ��سر �و �ا ب�� لک ی�ک � بو رو�‬ ‫آ‬ ‫ز ت �ت ن ت ف ن گ‬ ‫� ق‬ ‫آف ه ز ف‬ ‫ز‬ ‫خ‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ش‬ ‫� ��سر �ا ب�� ر��س�� ‬ ‫��ی��س�� | و ب��ع�د ا � و د ر عرا � �ه��ی��چ� � �ر�ی�د ان � ر��ا �هی�� و ��ص� ب� � ��س�ا ی��ی‬ ‫ن گ ا� ن‬ ‫ت ت‬ ‫ز‬ ‫�ق‬ ‫خ‬ ‫ت ن‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ن فت‬ ‫�ی��ا �� و �م�ع�د �ل�� د ی��د | ��ل� ��ی��س�� ه�م�ه �م�ع�� ج�� ب� و �ص�د ر�� ک�و� |د ور�ی��س�� هی � �ص��ل��ح و‬ ‫� � ن گ �ن ن ز ت ن گ ن ف‬ ‫ف �خ س�ت‬ ‫تن گ ن ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ف خ‬ ‫پر ج �� ا �ک�و� | ا � �� ‬ ‫�ی ا��ص�ا �� و �را �ی �� م | ی�ا ر ب� چ��ه �را ��س� ت� د ل �� ا��ک�و� | ��س��ل��ط�ا �‬ ‫گ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ذ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ت�� ش‬ ‫�� ا ش�� ت� و محمد خ��ا � را‬ ‫ک�� را �عرا � �م��س��ل �ش��د و �ر ز�ن��د خ�و�ی ش�� یو��س خ��ا � را د ر �عرا � ب� �‬ ‫م‬ ‫ن ن ن‬ ‫ت‬ ‫�ز ن ف خ ز ف ن خ ت آ �ش�� ن گ‬ ‫د � ا �ا �ل� ت� د ا د خ‬ ‫�� ت� �ه�م�د ا � ب�ا ی��ا ج� د ا د �ع ا �ل�د�ی� �ر ا � ا �ص��ه�ا � ب��د �م�� م�د �‬ ‫ح�� ‬ ‫و‬ ‫ر ری ی‬ ‫�ی‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ا � فص��ه�ا � �برو �م��ق رر �ر�مود و �ج �م�ل�ه ا�مرا ء را ولا ی� ت� �ب�مرا د ا ی� ش��ا � ب��د ا د و ا ز� را ه �می��ا ج�و� را ب�م�د د‬ ‫گ‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ن ف‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ت �خ خ� ا ز ن‬ ‫� ��د �ا �ق ا � ن ح ک� ت‬ ‫ا �ی ش��ا � �ر��س��ت�ا د ب��عرا � ت�ا ج�وا ب� خ��صما� م‌ی �‬ ‫ر��می��ا � �برولا‬ ‫�� یا��ا � د ر �ا ری‬ ‫ی�‬ ‫ی‬ ‫و‬ ‫ب‬ ‫و‬ ‫ی‬ ‫�‬ ‫آ ن ّٰ‬ ‫ت� ا ن �ا ف�� ت | ت�م�ا �ش��د ت�ا �خ ��س��ل�� ق��ا ن ا ز لا ء �آ ن ت�ا �خ ��س� ا ط�� ن خ� ا ز‬ ‫ر�می می‌�ی��د ا � ش��ا ا �ل��ل�ه‬ ‫ج و ی � و � و � ری� ل ی� و‬ ‫ری�‬ ‫تو � ی � م‬ ‫��ع�ا لی وح�د ه‪.‬‬ ‫�ت ن گ‬ ‫ز ن ز نگ‬ ‫� ا ��س� ت | ف�� ز ه � خ‬ ‫ز ش‬ ‫��ی��س� ت� | د �ی ا ز� ��سر ت�و ت�ا‬ ‫� �هر ��م�ا � ا � ر� �‬ ‫ا�مرو� ��ه�ا ب��سی د �ل� �� ی � یرو�‬ ‫ر‬ ‫چ‬ ‫آ‬ ‫گ‬ ‫ت �ت ن ت ف ن گ‬ ‫��ز � د | ا�م ز‬ ‫�ف‬ ‫��ی��س� ت� | و ب��ع�د ا ز� و د ر �عرا ق� �ه��ی��چ � ف�ر�ی�د ه‬ ‫و� ز� ��سر �ا ب�� ر��س�� ‬ ‫ب�� لک ی�ک � بو آر‬ ‫�‬ ‫گ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ز ف‬ ‫خ‬ ‫�ق‬ ‫ا � ر��ا �هی�� ت� و ��ص� ب� � ��س�ا �ی ش��ی ن�ی��ا �� ت� و �م�ع�د �ت�ل�ی ن��د ی��د | خ��ل� ��ی��س� ت� �ه�م�ه �م�ع�� ج�� ب� و �ص�د رن��‬ ‫� ن گ �ن ن ز ت ن گ ن ف‬ ‫ف �خ س�ت‬ ‫ن ن‬ ‫ت‬ ‫�ی ا��ص�ا �� و �را �ی �� | ی�ا ر ب� چ��ه‬ ‫ا��ک�و� | د ور�ی��س� ت� ��هی ز� �ص��ل�� و پر ج�� ا �ک�و� | ا � �� ‬ ‫م‬ ‫ح‬ ‫تن گ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ف‬ ‫� ا�ن�ک� ن� | ��س��ل��ط�ا ن� ت�� ش‬ ‫ک�� را �عرا � �م��س��ل �ش��د و �ر ز�ن��د خ�و�ی ش�� یو��س خ��ا ن� را‬ ‫�را خ��س� ت� د لی ��‬ ‫و‬ ‫م‬

‫‪157 Folio 329 contains the following text:‬‬

Majma ʿ al-tawarikh and Its Surviving Illustrated Copies

previous Ilkhanid folios of the manuscript. This proves that this block of the text is not from the previous Rashidi manuscript. The same situation occurs at the beginning of the second block of leaves in the section on Chinese history. The last seventeen words of folio 392b are repeated in folio 393a and again the calligraphy has changed.158 Interestingly, several leaves very similar to these two blocks of text can be found in the dispersed manuscript. The size of their written surface (373 by 260 mm), the number of lines per page (thirty-five), and the calligraphy are all identical. Both use the same polished cream-coloured papers produced at the Rabʿ-i Rashidi. These folios in the dispersed copy were remargined in Shahrukh’s kitabkhana. The papers of the margin were made of the ochreousbrown Herati paper that is coordinated with the fifteenth-century leaves of the same manuscript. The margin of one of these folios in the dispersed copy carries the imprint of Shahrukh’s library seal.159 The remargination of these leaves also confirms that the text belongs to an earlier manuscript. ‫ن‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ق‬ ‫�ز ن‬ � ‫گ ذ�� ا ش�� ت� و محمد خ��ا ن� را د ر ر �ی ای�ا �ل� ت� د ا د و‬ �‫�خ� ت� �ه�م�د ا ن� ب�ا ی�ن��ا ج‬ � � �‫د ر �عرا � ب‬ �‫� د ا د �ع ا �ل�د�ی‬ ‫ف خ ز ف ن خ ت آ �ش�� گ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ن‬ � ‫�ر ا � ا �ص��ه�ا � ب��د �م�� م�د‬ ‫�ی ا � فص��ه�ا � �برو �م��ق رر �ر�مود و �ج �م�ل�ه ا�مرا ء را ولا ی� ت� �ب�مرا د‬ � ��‫ح ن‬ � ‫ن گ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ن ق‬ ‫ش ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ز‬ ‫خ‬ ‫ت‬ ‫� ��د �ا �ق ا � ن‬ ‫�ت‬ ‫ش‬ �‫ا ی��ا � ب��د ا د و ا � را ه �می��ا ج�و� را ب�م�د د ا ی��ا � ب��عرا � �ر��س� �ا د �ا ج�وا ب� ��صما� م‌ی �وی ب ی ی‬ ‫ن ف‬ ‫ت �خ خ� ا ز ن‬ ‫ح ک� ت‬ .�‫ر��می��ا � ا ز� ولا ت�وا � ی�ا �� ت‬ ‫�� یا��ا � د ر �ا ری� و‬

158 For the reproduction of fols. 392b–393a, see Jahn, Die Chinageschichte, pls. 3–4. Folio 392b is not illustrated, and as mentioned earlier, most part of this page left empty for the addition of a diagram. In Jahn’s work, a painting has been inserted onto the empty space of this leaf. The painting belongs to the counterpart folio in Hazine 1654 (fol. 252b). Folio 392b finishes with these words:

‫ن‬ ‫�ف‬ ‫�ف‬ ‫ت ش ت �ز‬ ‫ش‬ ‫�ه��ت��ص�د و � �ش� ��ص� ت� و ��س�ه و� و ن��ه �ه�ز ا ر و �ه�� ت��ص�د و �ه�� ت�ا د و د و ��س�ا ل‬ ‫�م�د � �ه�� ه ا ر و‬ ‫آ‬ ‫گذ‬ ‫ن �ق‬ ‫ش ت �ز �ز‬ ‫ش �ت‬ ‫ن ش �ت‬ ‫��ه جم‬ ‫�� ش��ت�ه ک‬ � ‫��موع � � �ه�� ا د و �ه�� ه ا ر �ه ا ر و ��سی��ص�د و �ه�� ا د ��س�ا ل ب�ود ه ا�ی� �م�� د ا ر‬ ‫ن‬ ‫�ذ‬ ‫�ذ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ن‬ ‫خ‬ ‫ت‬ ‫خ‬ ‫�ق‬ ‫خ‬ ‫خ‬ ‫� �ا � ا��ه ��ص�� ا �ل�د � ن‬ ‫ت‬ ‫�ت‬ �‫�رد ه و د ر ت�ا ری‬ ‫ی� �� ر�یر ک‬ ‫��ه ک‬ ‫ک‬ �‫� ای��ل��ا �ی �مث�� ب�� ت‬ ‫یر‬ ‫�ر ر�آ�� ح�یک�م �� ا ی�ی �م� کور ب و ج‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ف‬ ‫�ت‬ ‫ت‬ ‫�ف‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ت‬ � � �� ‫ا ��س�� ا�م�ا � چ��ه د ر ا�ی� ��ع�ه�د‬ �� ‫ح��ص و �� ب�ع ر‬

‫ف‬ ‫ت �ق‬ ‫� د ه د ز ی� ا ��ل�� خ��ا �ن �مث�� ت� ا ��س� ت� ا�م�ا �آ ن��ه د ا � ن‬ ��‫ی� ��ع�ه�د ت��ف‬ �‫ح��ص وت��تب� ر�� ت� ا ز� � �ش‬ ‫چ ر‬ ‫ر‬ ‫�� ر�یر کر و ر � ج� ی ی �ب‬ ‫ح‬ ‫ع‬ ‫��ه � �ش� د ا د ه م ‌�ش�� د ا�ه� خ��ت�ا � ا ت� ا �خ‬ ‫ت��ف� �ص�� ت� ا �خ ا�ه� خ��ت�ا � �د � ن �م �� ا ��س� ت‬ ‫ی و ل ی ر و ری‬ ‫و �ت �� یل و ری� ل ی ب� ی� و ج ب� � ک ن رح‬ � ‫ن‬ ‫ز‬ ‫� � ث‬ ‫م��ت�� ح ک� ت‬ ‫ن�ز‬ ‫ش‬ �‫و �ک‬ � ‫حوا د � �هر ��م�ا �ی و �هر ��ع�ه�د �ی �مو ج�ود ��س� ت� و � د ا ی� ش��ا‬ ‫�� ب� ب��سی��ا ر � مل بر‬ ‫�� یا��ا و‬ ‫آ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ت‬ ‫�ش‬ ‫��ه � �را �مر� ب� د ا ��د د ری�� م��لک ک‬ ‫‌ا ��د‬ ‫م��هور و��ک��س�ا �ی ک‬ ‫م‬

Folio 393a starts with the sentences as follows:

159 This folio, which is titled “Sultan Muhammad ibn Malikshah enthroned,” is housed in the Yale University Art Gallery (accession number: 1983.94.6).

Chapter 3

A reconstruction of the dispersed manuscript shows that the cream- coloured leaves start from the end of the section on ʿAbbasid history and continue to the end of the Saljuq period. Other parts of the manuscript were transcribed on ochreous-brown Herati papers. In sum, the cream-coloured papers of the dispersed manuscript and the above mentioned thirty-one folios of Hazine 1653 constitute evidence of a previously unknown manuscript produced at the Rabʿ-i Rashidi. This means that some sections of this hitherto unknown manuscript were inserted in Hazine 1653 and its other parts were incorporated into the dispersed manuscript (Table 4). The evidence suggests that apparently Hafiz-i Abru had two fragmentary Persian manuscripts of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh at his disposal, of which one was less imperfect than the other. He received the order of Shahrukh to complete the manuscript. In the process of completing the less imperfect manuscript (i.e. 206 folios of Hazine 1653), he utilized material from the second Rashidi manuscript taken from the sections on the Khwarazmshahs, Salghurids and Chinese. Then Shahrukh’s kitabkhana again completed the other imperfect manuscript and the result of this is the dispersed copy. Anyway, the Divided manuscript shows that the dispersed manuscript was copied from Hazine 1653 most likely after the accomplishment date of its prototype. At first, the missing parts of Hazine 1653 were completed by using the leaves of the Divided manuscript, Table 4 Insertion of folios of the Divided manuscript into Hazine 1653 and the dispersed manuscript.

PreIslamic History fols. 1–163

Islamic History up to ʿAbbasids

164– 219

Hazine 1653 Divided manuscript

220– 226

227– 284

Ghaznavids Khwarazm Ismaʿilis Chinese Franks & & Saljuqs shahs & & Ughuz Indian Turks Salghurids 286–327

329–341

343–92

↑ ↓

The dispersed manuscript Folios of the undivided manuscript produced at the Rabʿ-i Rashidi. Folios of the divided manuscript. Shahrukhi folios.

393–410

↑

411– 435

Majma ʿ al-tawarikh and Its Surviving Illustrated Copies

and then, the other leaves of the Divided manuscript were used to complete the dispersed manuscript. A block of seventeen cream-coloured folios in the surviving part of the dispersed manuscript can be found in the Art and History Trust Collection.160 The first of these cream-coloured folios starts from the events of the year 572/1176– 77 (ʿAbbasid history), on the 191st leaf of the surviving part.161 This block of leaves continues up to the 207th leaf. Since the subsections on the Ghaznavids and Saljuqs were richly illustrated, most of these folios are dispersed. Twentytwo illustrated leaves taken from these sections can be found in the list of the paintings of the dispersed manuscript. Moreover, the whereabouts of a number of scattered folios of the Divided manuscript are unknown to me. The text of the last ochreous-brown Herati paper before the block of Rashidi leaves finishes with the events of the year 557/1162.162 A comparison with Hazine 1653 (fols. 261a–262a) shows that here only one leaf between the ochreous-brown and cream-coloured papers is missing. The first Herati pages after the block of cream-coloured leaves appear at the beginning of the history of Khwarazmshahs.163 Compared with Hazine 1653, it can be estimated that the dispersed copy had approximately sixty-five cream-coloured Rashidi folios. Some unillustrated leaves of the Divided manuscript were attacked by modern dealers of oriental art that will be discussed in the subchapter on the dispersed manuscript.

160 I am grateful to Stefan Kamola for dispatching images of these seventeen leaves. 161 The starting sentences of the first cream-coloured folio in the remnant of the manuscript are as follows:

‫�ذ‬ ‫ح اد ث‬ ‫� ��سن��ه ا ث�ن�� ن ��س� �ع�� ن �خ�م��س��م�ائ��ه] د ا � ن ��س�ا ل ��س�� آن�ک �ا ن‬ � ‫�ر‬ ‫کا رد ز�د‬ ‫[ ک‬ � ‫ط�ی ا و را‬ ‫ی� و �ب ی� و‬ �‫ر ی‬ ‫و‬ ‫ب‬ ‫ب �ب ب‬ ‫ن گ ش ن ز ن گ ف نگ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ل�� ک� �ق‬ ‫گ�ف ت‬ ‫� ا �� ت� ��س� ت� �ا � ش‬ � ‫می‌ت�ر��سی��د‬ � ‫�ر ب�� ص�د ا ی� ش��ا‬ ‫�� م�ا را ج�� ا ی��ا � ا � ج�� ر� و ج ب ر‬ ‫ب‬ ‫آ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫��ه � ظ‬ ‫� ف�� ت� ��م��ص��ا ث‬ ‫ع��ی��مت��ر� ن� ق��لا ا � ش��ا ن� ا ��س� ت� و م‬ � ‫�رد و � � د ی�ه‌�ه�ا و ولا ی�ت��ه�ا‬ ‫ح�ا �صره ک‬ ‫� ر��سی��د ک‬ ‫بر آ ب ی‬ ‫ع ی‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ت‬ ‫�رد‬ ‫را � � ش�� ا ن��د ا خ�� ت� و خ�را ب�ی ب��سی��ا ر ک‬

The above sentences are located in folio 262a of Hazine 1653. 162 The 190th leaf of the surviving part of the dispersed manuscript finishes with the following words:

‫ن خ ف‬ ‫�ع ش‬ ‫�ف ض‬ ‫ت‬ ‫��س �ت ن ف� ت ف� ت‬ ‫ش‬ ��‫ا ب�وا �ل�� ل �ب� ��ل� �م��لک ج��س� �ا � و �ا � ی�ا �� ص�د و د ه ��س�ا ل �مر�� ب�ود و �م�د � �م��ل�ک‬ ّ ‫ن‬ ‫ز ف ز‬ ‫ش‬ ‫�ه��ت�ا د ب�ود و ب��ع�د ا � و �ر�ن��د ش�� ش��م��س ا ب�وا �ل��ف� ��ت�� ا ح�م�د � نب� ��صر پ�ا د �ش��ا ه �ش��د وا �ل��س�لا �م‬ ‫ح‬

163 This folio, which is housed in the Yale University Art Gallery (accession number: 1983.94.10), carries an illustration titled, “Takash, sultan of Khwarazm, congratulated by Rashid al-Din [Watwat].” See Ghiasian, “Historical style,” fig. 2.

Chapter 3

In its current state, the Divided manuscript is not dated. However, a date of 704/1304–5 appears in the section on Chinese history (folio 392b of Hazine 1653),164 which is the year of composition of that part of the text by Rashid al-Din rather than the date of transcription. Several notes were written by the Ilkhanid owners of the manuscript on two sides of the colophon page of the section on Chinese history (folio 410 of Hazine 1653).165 Among the scattered leaves of the Divided manuscript, two decorated ʿunwans are known to me. The first ʿunwan is located at the beginning of the section on the history of the Ghaznavids now in the Aga Khan Museum (AKM89). The second one is housed in the Yale University Art Gallery (1983.94.8) and is placed at the beginning of the subchapter on the Saljuqs. The recto sides of both folios, which are the colophon pages of the sections on the ʿAbbasids and the Ghaznavids, contain manipulation or depictions added in the Modern time that will be discussed in the subchapter on the dispersed manuscript. The design of both ʿunwans consist of two concentric circles at the centre surrounded by four symmetric spiral forms in the left and right, all depicted in narrow red lines. These abstract motifs are decorated with multiple small triangles coloured yellow so that they can be characterized by a centipede-like appearance.166 One more ʿunwan from the Divided manuscript can be found on Hazine 1653 folio 329b. Apparently, in the sixteenth century, a wide gold border and an unfinished drawing sketched out in black have been added to the empty space of this ʿunwan. Since a large number of folios from the Divided manuscript were incorporated into the dispersed manuscript, it is not possible to estimate its number of illustrations. Except for the Shahrukhi depictions of Chinese emperors, the only intact illustrated part of the Divided manuscript is the section on the Khwarazmshahs in Hazine 1653, which contains five paintings. Of these illustrations, two come from the fourteenth century (“Jalal al-Din escapes from the army of Chengiz Khan” on folio 335a and “The battle between Jalal al-Din and 164 The same date appears also in folio 252b of Hazine 1654: ‫و‬

‫ن‬ ‫ت�ا ا � ن‬ � ‫��ه �ش��هور ��سن��ه ا‬ ‫ی� ز��م�ا � ک‬ ‫ئ‬ ‫ربع‬ ‫ت‬ � ‫ه‬ � � ��‫��س��ب�ع��م�ا ��ه ج ری ا ��س‬

Folio 392b of Hazine 1653 is reproduced by Jahn, Die Chinageschichte, pl. 3. 165 For these notes, see Çağman & Tanındı, “Remarks on some manuscripts,” 138; and Tanındı, “Additions to illustrated manuscripts,” 150. Çağman & Tanındı mention that the first of these owners was Amir Chupan (d. 1327), a celebrated general of the Ilkhanids. However, the phrase “taba tharah (may his soul be joyful),” which is written in the same hand, after the name of Chupan on folio 410a indicates that the manuscript was owned by one of the members of his family or one of his followers rather than himself. 166 Since the reverse of both ʿunwans are illustrated, it can be assumed that there could be no motivation to add these decorations in modern times. See the subchapter on paintings added later to the dispersed manuscript.

Majma ʿ al-tawarikh and Its Surviving Illustrated Copies

the army of Caliph Nasir at Baghdad” on folio 336a)167 and three are productions of Shahrukh’s kitabkhana. On stylistic grounds, these two fourteenthcentury illustrations, which are the only surviving Ilkhanid paintings of the Divided manuscript, were most likely painted at the Rabʿ-i Rashidi. The differences between these two paintings and the other Rashidi illustrations of Hazine 1653 show that they were executed by a different artist. The paintings on folios 330a, 332b and 337b are Shahrukhi additions to the leaves of the Divided manuscript. Among the cream-coloured leaves of the dispersed copy (i.e. the sections on the Ghaznavids and Saljuqs) no Ilkhanid painting is known to me. However, there are at least twenty folios with illustrations arranged in strip-like format. They were added to the Ilkhanid folios of the manuscript in Shahrukh’s kitabkhana. Let us address the question of the way in which Shahrukhi illustrations were added to the Divided manuscript. There are two possibilities: first, the addition of the paintings to fill empty spaces, and second, the overpainting of Rashidi illustrations by new Shahrukhi paintings. Since chronologically most of the Shahrukhi illustrations are located before the two Ilkhanid paintings of the manuscript, the order in which illustrations were added to manuscripts in Rashid al-Din’s scriptorium should be studied. No information about the sequence of adding paintings to manuscripts can be found in Rashid al-Din’s endowment deed.168 Therefore, perhaps the surviving unfinished manuscripts of the Ilkhanid era give us a clue. Four unfinished manuscripts of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh from Rashid al-Din’s scriptorium survive. The best example is Hazine 1654; here approximately the first seven paintings were produced at the Rabʿ-i Rashidi, and nowadays three of them survive. This suggests that the artists used to add illustrations from the beginning of the book onwards. The second case of an unfinished Rashidi manuscript is the Undivided manuscript (i.e. 206 leaves of Hazine 1653). Although some sections at the beginning and end are missing, it seems plausible to assume that its illustrations were added from the beginning to the middle of the history of the Ughuz Turks (Hazine 1653, fol. 378b). The second half of the Ughuz history consists of five Shahrukhi paintings (fols. 382a, 383b, 384a, 386b and 387a) and two places left 167 For reproduction of the painting on folio 335a, see Inal, “Fourteenth-century miniatures,” 345; Fitzherbert, “Portrait of a lost leader,” fig. 1; and Kadoi, Islamic Chinoiserie, fig. 5.20. The illustration on folio 336a is published by Inal, “Fourteenth-century miniatures,” 345; and Idem, “Artistic relationship,” fig. 11. 168 I would like to thank Sheila Blair for the fruitful discussion about the sequence of adding illustrations to manuscripts in Rashid al-Din’s scriptorium.

Chapter 3

empty for illustration (fols. 389b and 391a).169 Moreover, there are empty spaces left for diagrams in the beginning of the Chinese history (fol. 392a–b). Most likely, the five Shahrukhi images of the Ughuz history were painted over empty spaces, because they have been worked in smaller frames ( jadval) inside the original Ilkhanid frames. Within the text of the Undivided manuscript, some significant phrases and the names of eminent personages are penned in red. In the last four pages of the subsection on the history of the Ughuz Turks (fols. 389b–391a), the locations of these names and phrases remain empty. Interestingly, in the dispersed copy, the same locations of the text remain empty, which supports the hypothesis that the dispersed manuscript was directly copied from Hazine 1653.170 With the exception of the illustration on folio 170b, all Rashidi paintings of the Undivided manuscript from folio 165b to folio 325b have a thick gold border outlined in black lines: an inner and two outer. Two narrow red lines and a thicker blue one have been added on the outside of the above-mentioned gold and black lines. In some cases, the blue line has covered the red lines. The next twenty-six Rashidi paintings of the Undivided manuscript that illustrate the section on the Ughuz Turks (from folio 345b to folio 378b) only have the double red lines and the spaces between the picture frame and the red lines remained empty.171 This suggests that the lines of the jadvals were added to the manuscript after completion of paintings perhaps from the beginning of the book up to the section on the history of the Saljuqs.172 The third unfinished book surviving from the Rashidiya is the Divided manuscript. Although it is too fragmentary to imagine the order of the adding of illustrations, the unillustrated Chinese section suggests that presumably the paintings of the manuscript were not added at the end. While the text and illustrations of the Arabic copy of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh with a date of 714/1314–15 may have been finished, the illumination was not, and some of the arabesques 169 For the reproduction of all illustrations to the Ughuz Turks in Hazine 1653, see Jahn, Die Geschichte der Oġuzen. Jahn’s published paintings do not carry folio numbers. The folio numbers are fol. 375b: fig. 1; fol. 376a: fig. 3; fol. 376b: fig. 5; fol. 376b: fig. 7; fol. 377a: fig. 9; fol. 377b: fig. 10; fol. 378b: fig. 11; fol. 382a: fig. 12; fol. 383b: fig. 17; fol. 384a: fig. 19; fol. 386b: fig. 20; and fol. 387a: fig. 22. 170 For instance, Hazine 1653 fol. 390b can be compared with the counterpart leaf in the dispersed copy (Table 5, no. 2: Yale University Art Gallery, accession no. 1965.51.7). For another example, see Appendix 3 no. 14. 171 For colour reproduction of one of the illustrations to the history of the Ughuz Turks (“Ughuz leaving the land of darkness” on folio 378b), see Roxburgh, Turks, cat. no. 34. 172 As discussed before, the subchapters on the Khwarazmshahs and Salghurids of the Undivided manuscript do not survive.

Majma ʿ al-tawarikh and Its Surviving Illustrated Copies

of the headings and at least one shamsa (Or.MS 20, fol. 107a) are incomplete.173 As Sheila Blair states, its painters were clearly under some pressure as the illustrations towards the end of the book become more simplified.174 This indicates that perhaps the illustrations of this manuscript were also added sequentially. Among other unfinished manuscripts close to the time of Rashid al-Din, two examples from the Jalayirid period can be mentioned. The Nizami’s Khamsa of 1386–88 produced at Baghdad contains twenty-three illustrations, followed by twenty-two empty spaces left for painting at the end.175 Similarly, a copy of Basatin al-Uns (“The Gardens of Fondness”) presumably done at Baghdad in the first decade of the fifteenth century, has twelve places for illustration but only the first two were painted.176 In sum, it can be assumed that perhaps the painters of the Divided manuscript followed the simplest way – and possibly the standard procedure – of adding illustrations in order from the beginning to end of the book. Confirmation of this hypothesis means that the Shahrukhi paintings in the Divided manuscript – including those paintings on the cream-coloured folios of the dispersed manuscript – have covered earlier illustrations worked at the Rabʿ-i Rashidi. Nevertheless, an infrared examination of the folios of the Divided manuscript would be necessary to confirm or deny such a conjecture.

∵

The Dispersed Manuscript

The famous copy of universal history by Hafiz-i Abru and Rashid al-Din known as the dispersed manuscript is not dated and, as discussed before, it was copied from Hazine 1653 in 1426 or later. Thus, its pre-Islamic section comprises the first volume of the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh and its other sections belong to the second volume of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh. Two imprints of Shahrukh’s library seals on two folios of the dispersed copy are known to us. The first seal appears in the margin of an illustrated folio with the title “Sultan Muhammad ibn Malikshah enthroned,” which is in the Yale University Art Gallery (1983.94.6). The second seal can be seen in the colophon page of the manuscript, which is

173 Blair, Compendium of chronicles, 30. 174 Ibid., 91; and Idem, “Writing and illustrating,” 63. 175 Idem, Text and image, 194. 176 Ibid., 194.

Chapter 3

housed in the Los Angeles County Museum of Art (M.37.5.412).177 The manuscript carries the imprint of a governmental Persian seal reading: “murajiʿa va taftish shud (represented and inspected)” with the date of 1300/1882–83.178 The codex as a whole was included in the International Exhibition of Persian Art in the Pennsylvania Museum in October–December 1926.179 Evidence shows that immediately after the exhibition of 1926, the manuscript was divided into two fragments and found its way into collections of Emile Tabbagh in Paris and Parish Watson in New York. These two dealers of oriental art dismounted the manuscript and started to sell the illustrated leaves before 1928.180 In JanuaryFebruary 1931, eighteen illustrated folios of the manuscript were included in the International Exhibition of Persian Art in the Royal Academy of Arts in London.181 Our first-hand knowledge of the manuscript comes from an article written by Nicholas Martinovitch, who had seen the book in the exhibition of 1926.182 His article with a reproduction of four pages of the codex was published in 1935. Martinovitch describes the manuscript as follows: The manuscript was bound in gilt-stamped dark brown leather…. In total, there are 407 leaves, of which 150 are illustrated. The paper is strong, mostly brown and the text written by a calligrapher of uniform hand, except for a few cream-coloured leaves which have been written by another hand.183 177 The final colophon of the dispersed manuscript is located on the reverse of an illustrated page with the title “The Appearance of Buddha Sakyamuni to the People after His Death.” This colophon page is reproduced by Martinovitch, “Die verlorene Handschrift,” 215. 178 The seal is located in the margin of the first page of the Frankish history and is among the holdings of the Art and History Trust Collection. This page without its margin is reproduced by Soudavar, Art of the Persian courts, 65. The imprint of the same seal with the date 1334/1915–16 can be found on the bottom margins of folios 2a and 193b of the Freer manuscript of Balʿami’s history. For publication of the imprints of these seals, see Fitzherbert, “Balʿami’s Tabari,” pl. 42. The seal is also available in the Chester Beatty Library’s seal database: http://www.cbl.ie/islamicseals/View-Seals/92.aspx (last accessed April 2017). 179 Binyon et al., Persian miniature painting, 46; Holter, “Die islamischen Miniaturhandschriften,” 21; and McAllister, “Two Persian miniatures,” 202. For a brief report of the exhibition of 1926, see Pope, “Special Persian exhibition.” For a history of research on this manuscript before 1940, see Buchthal et al., “Supplementary notes,” no. 54. 180 Martinovitch, “Die verlorene Handschrift,” 218; and Ghiasian, “Historical style,” 891–92. 181 For the list of these leaves, see Catalogue of the international exhibition, case 214 (five folios), case 219 (five folios), case 431 (four folios), case 447 (two folios) and case 448 (two folios). 182 Martinovitch, “Die verlorene Handschrift.” 183 Ibid., 218.

Majma ʿ al-tawarikh and Its Surviving Illustrated Copies

Among the known leaves of the manuscript, each illustrated leaf carries one painting per folio. The exceptions are two leaves, both of which have two miniatures on the verso side and were later addition to the manuscript (Appendix 4, nos. 6 and 9). Written in fine naskh script in black ink, headings are penned in thulth in brownish-red and occasionally in red. Each folio of the manuscript measures approximately 430 by 340 mm. The ochreous-brown papers have a written surface of 335 by 227 mm, which carries the text in thirty-three lines. The cream-coloured folios, which belong to the Divided manuscript, have thirty-five lines of text per page and a larger text area of 373 by 260 mm. The margins of both kinds of papers are ruled in two inner red lines and an outer thick blue. There are interlinear rules in double red lines mostly around the captions. The verso of the first folio has a stunning illuminated ʿunwan, which was formerly in the Kevorkian Foundation.184 Presently, 238 unillustrated leaves as well as two illustrated folios of the manuscript belong to the Art and History Trust Collection,185 and other illustrated leaves are widely dispersed. It should be noted that all these scattered folios, which have been called leaves of a copy of the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh or Jamiʿ altawarikh, belong to a single manuscript. Until publication of Ettinghausen’s article in 1955, the manuscript was thought to be a copy of Rashid al-Din’s Jamiʿ al-tawarikh. From 1955 onward, the majority of collections and scholars have entitled these scattered leaves as belonging to a copy of the Majmaʿ altawarikh. Nevertheless, at the present time, some collections like The Chester Beatty Library have attributed these folios to the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh.186 11

Paintings Added Later to the Dispersed Manuscript

According to style and accuracy of the relationship between text and image, the illustrations to the dispersed manuscript fall into three distinctly different groups. The first is the established “historical style” of Shahrukh, which will be discussed in the next chapter. The second style differs slightly from the first in a few features, and in many cases is used in some episodes that had hitherto not been illustrated in other manuscripts of Hafiz-i Abru and Rashid al-Din. In stylistic terms, paintings of the second style in comparison with the Shahrukhi 184 This illuminated ʿunwan is reproduced by Ettinghausen, “An illuminated manuscript,” fig. 12. 185 Soudavar, Art of the Persian courts, 64–66, nos. 22–24. 186 See Arberry et al., vol. 1, Chester Beatty Library, no. 105; and Wright, Look of the book, 183–85.

Chapter 3

illustrations, can be recognized through the depiction of more regular tufts of grass (in most of the cases) underlined in white, with more subtle lines and more erect human figures (Appendix 3). Despite of these stylistic discrepancies, the distinction between the first and the second styles is very difficult for those who have not examined these paintings attentively. The third style emulates the Rashidiya style in depiction of Chinese emperors on their golden thrones against an empty background, and is characterized by light, semitransparent colours (Appendix 4). There are several reasons to believe that the paintings of the second and third style are later additions to the manuscript and do not belong to Shahrukh’s kitabkhana. There is evidence that at a later period, more than fifty paintings were added to the manuscript. Most of these miniatures were painted over the text of manuscript, and as a result, at the location of these miniatures a considerable amount of the text is missing. In a careful scrutiny, the text of the dispersed manuscript above and below the illustrations has been compared with Hazine 1653. As a result of the examination of thirty-eight miniatures in the second style and eighteen paintings in the third style, it can be stated that in all of these cases considerable amounts of the text are missing.187 In all of them, the amount of the missing texts is proportionate to the place taken by the images and thus this confirms that these miniatures were painted over the text of the manuscript.188 No illustration of the second style on the cream-coloured folios (i.e. the leaves of the Divided manuscript) is known to me. In technical terms, it seems that it was difficult for the painter of the second style to paint over this kind of ink and paper. Apparently, it was easier to add the second style miniatures on the Herati papers. Perhaps the painter of the second style had to scratch out the calligraphy to provide an empty space for painting. As I examined several folios containing miniatures in the second and the third style in the David Collection and the Reza Abbasi Museum, the paper is too thick to observe traces of erased calligraphy by using a light table. In the case of a folio with two paintings titled “Rulers on their throne” in the David Collection (24/2006), for example, many words of the text in the middle of the folio have been partly erased. This indicates that obliteration of the calligraphy was not a difficult task. Interestingly, colouration of the empty background of the images on this folio differs slightly from other parts of the paper and thus it is tempting to 187 Appendix 4 includes eighteen pages illustrated with the paintings of the third style. Two of these pages (nos. 6 and 9) carry two paintings and two of them (nos. 14 and 18) are depictions added on empty spaces of the folios and do not cover the text. 188 For more information on the missing texts, see Ghiasian, “Historical style,” 878–83.

Majma ʿ al-tawarikh and Its Surviving Illustrated Copies

assume that the original text has been obliterated. Ernst Kühnel’s observation also confirms the hypothesis of erasing the text. In explanation of the manipulations and the third style, which he called the “Edinburgh style,” he stated, “Most of the miniatures in the ‘Edinburgh’ style have been pasted in arbitrarily, in some cases after erasing portions of the text.”189 Of the miniatures in the third style on the cream-coloured papers, the colophon page of the Ghaznavid history in the Yale University Art Gallery (1983.94.8) can be mentioned. The empty space below the colophon is decorated with depiction of a flower surrounded by two standing men in Chinese garments. In contrast to Shahrukhi illustrations of the manuscript, the majority of the miniatures of the second style bear no relation – or very little relation – to the text.190 As has been shown in my earlier article, the pictorial elements of the second style miniatures are derived from the Shahrukhi illustrations present in the same manuscript.191 In other words, the Shahrukhi illustrations of the manuscript served as a prototype for the later added paintings. According to our information about the history of the dispersed manuscript through Martinovitch’s paper, he had seen the manuscript as a whole bound in dark brown leather. He wrote: On 29 December 1928, the author of these lines gave a lecture about this manuscript at the annual meeting of the College Art Association in Providence. He also encouraged the preservation of the undivided manuscript in order to prevent the sale of individual leaves. However, it was in vain. Many leaves with miniatures have been sold and therefore the manuscript in its context is lost forever.192 As outlined before, the manuscript as a whole was exhibited in the International Exhibition of Persian Art at the Pennsylvania Museum in 1926. In those years, Martinovitch had seen all of the illustrations of the manuscript including those painted in the second style, because he published one of the second style’s miniatures, “Hushang enthroned.” Moreover, four of the paintings in the second style and one in the third style were included in the exhibition of 1931

189 Kühnel, “History of miniature painting,” 1839, no. 3. 190 Ghiasian, “Historical style,” 883–89. 191 Ibid., 889–90. 192 Martinovitch, “Die verlorene Handschrift,” 218.

Chapter 3

in London.193 Therefore, the later paintings of the dispersed manuscript would have been added in a period between the mid-fifteenth century and 1926. It seems that the later addition of paintings to the manuscript can be dated more closely. It is most unlikely that it happened during one of the historical periods, for three reasons. First, the paintings have been worked in the manner of Shahrukhi illustrations and their artist has tried to imitate the Shahrukhi illustrations in the same manuscript (historicism, art-historical “correctness”). Second, the painter tried not to leave any trace of himself, and did his work skillfully enough to deceive the beholder. Third, to my knowledge, there is no evidence in the manuscript demonstrating a change of ownership, and the manuscript carries no direct indication of the identity of the patron of the later additional paintings. By contrast, the later additional paintings in the dispersed manuscript can be compared with the manuscript Hazine 1510 in the Topkapı Palace Library. Priscilla Soucek and Filiz Çağman discerned twentyone paintings that had been added directly over the text in the Shahnama part of the manuscript Hazine 1510.194 They attributed those paintings to the workshop of Sultan Husayn Bayqara, but the important fact is that they discovered some attempts at “Timuridizing” a Muzaffarid manuscript, such as repainted dedication pages, altered colophons, and the addition of library seals. The second stronger possibility for dating is the end of this long period of time, at the beginning of the twentieth century. According to the documents in the National Documents Organization of Iran, the export market of antiques in Iran was extremely active during that period. The new bylaw of antiques in Iran was passed on 8 June 1924. According to its first clause, “Carrying of old manuscripts and items of paintings abroad without permission of the Ministry of Culture is prohibited.”195 According to its fifth clause, “Those manuscripts that were produced for one of the Persian sultans or carry their seal or sign will not be permitted to exit.”196 According to another document, which is a letter of complaint about the new bylaw written by the head of antiques guild to the Ministry of Culture on 22 August 1931, there were about two or three thousand people in Iran working on the commercial excavation of historical sites and the export of antiques as well as manuscripts.197 Based on this evidence, at that time, there were strong economic incentives for Iranians to export antiques and manuscripts. 193 Catalogue of the international exhibition, cases 214a, 214d, 219a, 431a and 448a. 194 Soucek & Çağman, “A royal manuscript.” 195 Hasanzadeh & Miri, Iranian archaeology, 17–18. 196 Ibid., 18. 197 Ibid., 28.

Majma ʿ al-tawarikh and Its Surviving Illustrated Copies

Concerning the dispersed manuscript, it can be hypothesized that possibly the motivation of the sale of individual leaves in the Western auctions could be a good reason to add more than fifty illustrations to the manuscript. In sum, it can be concluded that the manuscript was exhibited as a whole for the first time in 1926; two years later Martinovitch gave a lecture in Providence to try to prevent the sale of individual folios, and, according to his paper, forty-two miniatures from the manuscript had been sold in 1935. This means that the manuscript, after it had been exhibited for the first time, and its character as a reliable illustrated manuscript of Rashid al-Din had been confirmed, started to be sold quickly. The sale of the folios and the subsequent dispersal of the manuscript restricted the opportunity for its careful examination by scholars. Probably the addition of paintings and these manipulations could have been done by someone with a western mentality and familiar with the auction markets, and possibly by a Persian hand. The painter (or the patron) was fluent in the Persian language, because he tried as far as possible to paint over the text in such a way that the sentences above and below the illustrations were complete. To make this task easier, in many cases the artist added the miniatures at the end or beginning of the accounts in order to use the captions at the top or bottom of the paintings. Use of the captions as a part of the paintings caused less damage to the sentences. Apart from several enthronement paintings of the Saljuq kings on the folios of the Divided manuscript, none of the Shahrukhi illustrations of the dispersed manuscript and Hazine 1653 has been worked at the end or beginning of accounts. However, at least twentyfive miniatures in the second style are placed in such locations.198 Likewise, in some cases, the painter has chosen stepped compositions with the intention of causing less damage to the text.199 For instance, the miniature “Yazdgird enthroned” in the Harvard Art Museums was drawn as a stepped composition and has a caption at the top of the picture. It should be emphasised that inserting captions and stepped compositions was not common in the Shahrukhi illustrations to historical works. It appears a tragic irony in the fate of the “Dispersed Manuscript” of the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh that the first exhibition of the manuscript was almost immediately followed by the dismantling of its folios, and that the scholarly appreciation of its art-historical position suffered from its dispersal. Anyway, the

198 In the following cases, the miniatures are added at the end or beginning of the accounts: Appendix 3: nos. 2, 3, 7–9, 12, 13, 15–28 and 35–38. 199 The stepped compositions can be seen in the following paintings: Appendix 3: nos. 8, 9, 18 and 34.

Chapter 3

present research focuses on the established Shahrukhi paintings of the manuscript and does not consider the later added miniatures. 12

Shahrukhi Illustrations of the Dispersed Manuscript

Before listing the Shahrukhi paintings of the dispersed manuscript, a group of detached depictions of Chinese emperors should be introduced. Collecting dispersed folios with drawings of Chinese emperors shows that most of these images are located in irrelevant chapters of the manuscript. Like Hazine 1653, the Chinese section of the dispersed copy was richly illustrated with depictions of about one hundred human figures. Apparently, most of these depictions were cut out and were pasted into several unillustrated folios in different chapters of the manuscript such as the history of the Sasanian kings, Ismaʿilis, Saljuqs and Ughuz Turks. In many cases, these emperors are accompanied by their original captions and texts. All of the known inserted papers are in rectangular format. Careful scrutiny of the scattered folios reveals that apparently the owner(s) of the manuscript had detached these depictions from some other folios of the manuscript in order to increase the number of the illustrated leaves. Each illustrated page of the Chinese section could be used to illustrate at least two non-painted folios. This could have been done by the modern dealers of oriental arts in the first quarter of the twentieth century. They decorated these originally unillustrated folios with the detached paintings and occasionally they drew new floral motifs around the figures in order to sell them in the auction markets. Fortunately, several illustrated folios of the Chinese sections remained intact, which will be listed later. Some of the inserted pages, which carry Shahrukhi depictions of Chinese emperors, can be seen in Table 5. The last depiction in Table 5 is pasted onto the colophon page of the history of Ughuz Turks. For covering the manipulation, a thick red line in the form of a pavilion has been depicted alongside the edges of the inserted paper. Thereafter, to make the folio more picturesque, some floral motifs have been added. The same situation happens in the well-known colophon page, “The last of the ʿAbbasid caliphs, al-Mustaʿsim,” kept in the Aga Khan Museum (AKM 89).200 The folio, which belongs to the Divided manuscript, carries a 200 Catalogue of the international exhibition, 209, case 431c; Binyon et al., Persian miniature painting, 46, no. 28k; Sotheby’s catalogue, 1 July 1969, lot 297; Welch, Collection of Islamic art, 46–49; Idem, “Arts of the book,” no. 27; Lentz & Lowry, Timur and the princely vision, 101; Canby, Princes, poets & paladins, 31; and Barry, Figurative art in medieval Islam, 88.

Majma ʿ al-tawarikh and Its Surviving Illustrated Copies Table 5

List of some of the known inserted papers in the dispersed manuscript

Title

Whereabouts

Description

Emperor Shiwan of Chinaa

Yale University Art Gallery (1983.94.20)

Emperor Di Kukav Yale University Art Gallery (1965.51.7)

Be Wang, emperor Yale University Art of Chinab Gallery (1983.94.12)

Depiction of the emperor, Jen Kavzuc

Unknown location

Depiction of four Chinese kingsd

Unknown location

Depiction of two Unknown location Chinese emperorse

Depiction of three Unknown location Chinese emperorsf

Depiction of two Unknown location Chinese emperorsg

The folio belongs to the history of the Sasanian king, Ardashir (comparable with Hazine 1653 fol. 113a). The text above the depiction deals with the history of Ughuz Turks (comparable with Hazine 1653 fol. 390b). The text of the folio belongs to the Ismaʿilis subsection of the manuscript (comparable with Hazine 1653 fol. 358a). The folio belongs to the Sasanian subsection of the book. Below the depiction, there is a caption, which reads “Zikr-i padishahi-yi Hurmuz ibn Shapur ibn Ardashir,” (comparable with Hazine 1653 fol. 116a). The text of the folio belongs to the section on the history of Saljuqs from the divided manuscript (comparable with Hazine 1653 fol. 319a–b). The folio deals with the enthronement of the Sasanian king, Yazdgird (comparable with Hazine 1653 fol. 116a). The text above and below the painting deals with the life of the king Tahmuras (comparable with Hazine 1653 fol. 18a). The text of this leaf deals with the history of the Sasanian king, Bahram. Above the depictions, there is a caption of “Zikr-i padishahi-yi Yazdgird ibn Bahram,” (comparable with Hazine 1653 fol. 125a).

Chapter 3

Table 5

List of some of the known inserted papers in the dispersed manuscript (cont.)

Title

Whereabouts

Description

Depiction of the thirty-fifth Chinese emperor, Shirunh

Unknown location

Chinese emperor standing in a pavilioni

The Metropolitan Museum of Art (29.84)

The folio belongs to the history of the Sasanian kings. Exactly below a heading, which reads “Zikr-i viladati Shapur va vali ʿahdi-yi u,” the depiction of the emperor has been pasted in arbitrarily. Interestingly, the inserted paper carries its own original caption, which is located below the above-mentioned heading (comparable with Hazine 1653 fol. 113b). See below.

a Riefstahl, Exhibition, no. 7. b Tabbagh, Emile Tabbagh collection, 107, no. 199. c Bonhams Auction, 28 April 2005, lot 15. d Bonhams Auction, 6 October 2008, lot 6. e Ibid., lot 6. This folio has also been published on the front cover of the auction catalogue. f Ibid., lot 6. g Ibid., lot 7. h Ibid., lot 8. i Dimand, Handbook of Mohammedan, fig. 3.

vertical rectangular inserted paper representing a standing figure surrounded by a flaming halo. The image bears no relation to the text, and as will be discussed in the next chapter, only the prophetic figures in the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh should have such flaming halo. This folio has been arranged in a very similar manner to the colophon page of the Metropolitan Museum of Art (29.84). In the Aga Khan folio, the same thick red lines of the pavilion wrap the edges of the inserted paper. Then the golden flames have been extended into the outside of the red frame, and similar floral motifs decorate the empty spaces of its both sides. The first known reproduction of the inserted papers is the publication of “Chinese emperor standing in a pavilion,” in the Metropolitan Museum of Art. This folio was published in 1930 – four years after the first exhibition of the

Majma ʿ al-tawarikh and Its Surviving Illustrated Copies

manuscript – in the book by Maurice Dimand.201 It seems that perhaps all the inserted papers were pasted into unillustrated folios in the first three decades of the twentieth century and most likely before 1926, because at that time the manuscript was presented to scholars as a whole. The inserted papers leave little doubt that they could be a modern manipulation. Significantly, they support the hypothesis that the paintings of the second and third style can be attributed to the first quarter of the twentieth century. Interestingly, in some leaves of the manuscript different layers of time can be discerned. The colophon page in the Agha Khan Museum, for instance, has three layers of time: Rashidiya calligraphy, Shahrukhi margins and modern manipulation. Now let us discuss the intact illustrated folios coming from Shahrukh’s kitabkhana. As previously mentioned, since the dispersed manuscript was copied from Hazine 1653, their contents are almost identical. Therefore, the illustration cycle of the known folios of the dispersed copy can be reconstructed. In Tables 6 and 7, each illustrated folio of the dispersed manuscript is identified with a code. Each code consists of the number of a certain folio of Hazine 1653 that contains the text of the same episode. Moreover, for any task of comparison, these codes reveal whether a certain episode is illustrated in Hazine 1653 or not. They also demonstrate that the counterpart painting of a certain episode in Hazine 1653 was produced in Rashid al-Din’s scriptorium or Shahrukh’s kitabkhana. It should be noted that the given codes do not bear any information about whether a certain illustration is on the recto or verso of a folio. In other words, “a” and “b” in these codes refer to Hazine 1653 not to the dispersed folios.202 Key of the given codes I The episode is illustrated in Hazine 1653. N The episode is not illustrated in Hazine 1653. S The counterpart illustration in Hazine 1653 is produced in Shahrukh’s workshop. R The counterpart painting in Hazine 1653 is a product of Rashid al-Din’s atelier. Div The folio, which is cream-coloured, belongs to the “Divided Manuscript.” LFA (Lost Folio After a certain leaf) The counterpart text in Hazine 1653 is in a lacuna. 201 Dimand, Handbook of Mohammedan, fig. 3. 202 A single full-page painting titled “Shahrukh’s troops defeat Pir Padishah and Sultan ʿAli” in the Victoria and Albert Museum (n. E.5499–1958) that has been attributed to a manuscript of Hafiz-i Abru do not belong to our dispersed manuscript. See Stchoukine, Les peintures des manuscrits Tîmûrides, pl. xxxii; and Robinson, Fifteenth-century Persian painting, 4–5, fig. 1.

100

Chapter 3

Table 6

Reconstruction of the illustration cycle of the known folios of the dispersed manuscript

1 2 3

12a.I.S 13b.I.S 19a.I.S

21b.I.S

27a.I.S

30a.N

35b.I.S

48b.N

54a.N

56a.N

59b.I.S

62a.I.S

74b.I.S

14 15

77a.I.S 81b.N

LFA.89

90a.I.S

91b.I.S

98b.N

108a.N

“Noah’s Ark,” The David Collection (8/2005), Copenhagen.a “Kayumars enthroned,” Keir collection.b “Jamshid enthroned,” Freer and Sackler Galleries (S1986.131), Washington, DC.c “Fereydun enthroned,” Chester Beatty Library (CBL Per. 105.2a) Dublin.d “Afrasiyab orders the killing of Aghriras,” Hossein Afshar Collection (TR:380–2015).e “Salih and the camel,” Cincinnati Art Museum (1947.502) Cincinnati, OH.f “Sacrifice of Ismaʿil,” The Walters Art Museum (W.676Aa) Baltimore, MD.g “The prophet Job lying under a tree,” The Brooklyn Museum (88.27), Brooklyn, NY. “Moses prevailing over Pharaoh,” The Minneapolis Institute of Arts (51.37.25), Minneapolis, MN.h “Moses and the Israelites watch the Egyptians drown in the sea,” Keir Collection.i “Moses and Korah,” L.A. Mayer Institute for Islamic Art (MS 47–69), Jerusalem.j “Moses slays the giant ʿUj,” Cincinnati Art Museum (1947.501), Cincinnati, OH.k “The battle between Rustam and Afrasiyab,” Yale University Art Gallery (1965.51.2), New Haven, CT. “The fire ordeal of Siyawash”, collection of Jochen Sokoly.l “Gushtasb on the throne and Zoroaster,” Chester Beatty Library (CBL Per. 105.3a), Dublin.m “Bahman taking revenge on the Sistanians,” The Metropolitan Museum of Art (57.51.8), New York, NY.n “The finding of Darab,” Princeton University Art Museum (y1936-I), Princeton, NJ.o “Iskandar and dying Dara,” The Metropolitan Museum of Art (52.20.3), New York, NY.p “Jesus brings back to life Shem, the son of Noah,” Freer and Sackler Galleries (S1986.132), Washington, DC.q “Jonah and the whale,” The Metropolitan Museum of Art (57.51.37.4), New York, NY.r

Majma ʿ al-tawarikh and Its Surviving Illustrated Copies Table 6

101

Reconstruction of the illustration cycle (cont.)

110b.I.S

115b.I.S

23 24

121a.I.S 122a.I.S

129a.N

26 27

151b.N 152b.N

154a.I.S

155a.N

LFA.157

161b.I.S

32 33

165b.I.R 167b.N

169a.I.R

170b.I.R

174a.N

175a.N

176b.N

191b.N

“Ardashir hunting,” Yale University Art Gallery (1965.51.1), New Haven, CT.s “Shapur killing the daughter of the king ʿArab Diran,” unknown location.t “Bahram-i Gur killing a lion,” unknown location.u “Bahram-i Gur proves his right to the throne of Iran,” unknown location.v “A priest in the court of Anushirvan predicts the advent of the Prophet Muhammad,” Gulf Museum Consultancy Company (LNS 96 MS), Kuwait.w “Discovery of the well of Zamzam,” Keir Collection.x “Birth of the Prophet Muhammad,” Freer and Sackler Galleries (F2005.5), Washington, DC.y “Muhammad’s call to prophecy and the first revelation,” The Metropolitan Museum of Art (57.51.37.3), New York, NY.z “The Prophet Muhammad converts Abu Bakr,” The Harvard Art Museums (1960.184), Cambridge, MA.aa “The Prophet Muhammad overcomes Rukana ibn ʿAbd Yazid,” Yale University Art Gallery (1965.51.8), New Haven, CT. “The Prophet Muhammad praises his followers who are building the mosque at Medina,” San Diego Museum of Art (1971.56), San Diego, CA. “The battle of Badr,” unknown location.ab “The killing of Kaʿb ibn Ashraf,” Yale University Art Gallery (1965.51.3), New Haven, CT. “Imam ʿAli and the Prophet Muhammad in the battle of Uhud,” Philadelphia Museum of Art (1967_30_289), Philadelphia, PA. “The Prophet Muhammad at the gate of Medina,” The Harvard Art Museums (1960.185), Cambridge, MA.ac “The conquest of Khaybar by the Prophet Muhammad,” Yale University Art Gallery (1965.51.4), New Haven, CT. “A giant fish rescues Abu ʿUbayda and his men from starvation,” The David Collection (19/2004), Copenhagen.ad “Journey of the Prophet Muhammad,” The Metropolitan Museum of Art (57.51.9), New York, NY.ae “ ʿAʾisha, widow of the Prophet Muhammad, at the battle of the Camel,” Yale University Art Gallery (1983.94.1), New Haven, CT.af

102

Chapter 3

Majma ʿ al-tawarikh and Its Surviving Illustrated Copies Table 6

103

Reconstruction of the illustration cycle (cont.)

313a.Div.I.R

316a.Div.I.R

317a.Div.I.R

321a.Div.I.R

325b.Div.I.R

330b.N

349b.N

381b.N

383b.N

384b.I.R

386b.I.S

69 70

388a.N 433a.N

434a.N

435a.N

LFA.435

“Sultan Sanjar with courtiers,” The Walters Art Museum (W.676Fa), Baltimore, MD.av “A king holding audience [Sultan Mahmud ibn Muhammad ibn Malikshah enthroned],” The Minneapolis Institute of Arts (51.37.16), Minneapolis, MN. “The death of Tughrul I,” Yale University Art Gallery (1965.51.6), New Haven, CT. “Sultan Muhammad ibn Mahmud enthroned,” unknown location.aw “Tughrul II, king of Iraq, on his throne,” Yale University Art Gallery (1965.51.5), New Haven, CT.ax “Takash, Sultan of Khwarazm, congratulated by Rashid al-Din [Watwat],” Yale University Art Gallery (1983.94.10), New Haven, CT.ay “Enthroned king [al-Muʿizz li-Din Allah] with his courtiers,” The Walters Art Museum (W.676Ca), Baltimore, MD. “Ughuz Khan receives a messenger from Damascus with a load of bows,” The Walters Art Museum (W.676Da), Baltimore, MD.az “Military expedition of Ughuz Khan,” The Walters Art Museum (W.676Ba), Baltimore, MD.ba “Battle scene at the camp of Ughuz Khan,” The Minneapolis Institute of Arts (51.37.19), Minneapolis, MN.bb “The dog Qara Buraq drives off the wolves,” The Minneapolis Institute of Arts (43.31.1), Minneapolis, MN.bc “The accession of Buqra Khan,” unknown location.bd “Birth of Buddha,” The Walters Art Museum (W.676Ea), Baltimore, MD.be “Sakyamuni Buddha salutes a Brahmin who has come to ask for the road to paradise,” The David Collection (85/1980), Copenhagen.bf “Sakyamuni Buddha announces another prophet,” The Metropolitan Museum of Art (57.51.37.1), New York, NY.bg “The appearance of Buddha Sakyamuni to the people after his death,” Los Angeles County Museum of Art (M.37.5.412), Los Angeles, CA.bh

104

Chapter 3

a Tabbagh, Emile Tabbagh collection, 103, no. 191; Kühnel, “History of miniature painting,” pl. 845; Shani, “Noah’s Ark,” fig. 4; and Von Folsach, For the privileged few, 50–51. b Kunstschätze aus Iran, no. 570 and pl. 83; Robinson et al., Islamic painting, colour pl. 6; and Bloom & Blair, “Illustration,” 225. c Tabbagh, Catalogue des objets, pl. xi, no. 145; Lowry & Beach, Checklist of the Vever collection, 132; and Manz, “The legacy of Timur,” 26. d Robinson, Persian miniature painting, pl. 5; Du Ry, Art of Islam, 213; Kirketerp-Møller, Det Islamiske bogmaleri, 115; Du Ry, “Byzanz und die Welt des Islam,” 2017; and Wright, Look of the book, fig. 101. e I am most grateful to Robert Hillenbrand for drawing my attention to this folio and sending a photo of it. This folio will be on view in the exhibition titled “Bestowing Beauty: Masterpieces from Persian Lands,” November 19, 2017–February 11, 2018 at the Museum of Fine Arts, Houston. f Pijoán, Summa artis, 340; Grube, Muslim miniature paintings, no. 192, and pl. 38; and Idem, Classical style, pl. 23. g Schapiro, “Angel with the ram,” fig. 7; Grube, Muslim miniature paintings, pl. 39; and Gutmann, “Sacrifice of Abraham,” fig. 3. h Tabbagh, Emile Tabbagh collection, colour plate; and Martinovitch, “Die verlorene Handschrift,” fig. 2. i Tabbagh, Catalogue des objets, pl. x, no. 143; Robinson et al., Islamic painting, pl. 21; and Haase, Sammlerglück, no. 27. j Macy, Everit Macy collection, 103, no. 439; Ettinghausen, “An illuminated manuscript,” fig. 9; and Brosh & Milstein, Biblical stories, no. 31. k Catalogue of the international exhibition, 209, case 431d; Binyon et al., Persian miniature painting, 46, no. 28l; Tabbagh, Catalogue des objets, pl. x, no. 141; Kühnel, “History of miniature painting,” pl. 849; Ackerman, Guide to the exhibition, 192–93; Pijoán, Summa artis, pl. xviii; Guide to the collections, 26; Near Eastern art, fig. 21; Grube, Muslim miniature paintings, pl. 40; Gutmann & Moreen, “Combat between Moses and Og,” fig. 3; and Shani, “Noah’s Ark,” fig. 6. l Martinovitch, “Die verlorene Handschrift,” fig. 3; Tabbagh, Emile Tabbagh collection, 110, no. 204; and Christie’s Auction, 19 April 1999, lot 76. m Catalogue of the international exhibition, 125, case 214b; Arberry et al., vol. 1, Chester Beatty Library, pl. 15; and Robinson, Persian miniature painting, 43, no. 15. n Tabbagh, Emile Tabbagh collection, 118, no. 217; Macy, Everit Macy collection, 126, no. 444; and Inal, “Fourteenth-century miniatures,” 401. o Tabbagh, Emile Tabbagh collection, 106, no. 196, and colour plate; Eastman, “On three persian ‘marine’ paintings,” pl. xii; and Leoni, “A Timurid historical manuscript,” 62. p Robinson, Persian painting in the Metropolitan, fig. 4. q Tabbagh, Catalogue des objets, pl. xi, no. 144; and Lowry & Beach, Checklist of the Vever collection, 132. r Binyon et al., Persian miniature painting, 46, no. 28o; Macy, Everit Macy collection, 105, no. 440; and Inal, “Fourteenth-century miniatures,” 400. s Ferber, Islam and the medieval West, no. 72. t Christie’s Auction, 26 April 2005, lot 132. u Tabbagh, Emile Tabbagh collection, 112, no. 207. v Ibid., 110, no. 206, and colour plate; and Christie’s Auction, 25 April 2013, lot 91. w Adamova & Bayani, Persian painting, cat. 15. x Catalogue of the international exhibition, 211, case 447a; Binyon et al., Persian miniature painting, 46, no. 28m; Kühnel, “History of miniature painting,” pl. 845; Idem, “Persische Miniaturmalerei,” 195, fig. 11; Kunstschätze aus Iran, no. 569; and Robinson et al., Islamic painting, pl. 20.

Majma ʿ al-tawarikh and Its Surviving Illustrated Copies

105

y Tabbagh, Emile Tabbagh collection, 113, no. 208; and Gruber, “Questioning the classical,” 15. z Tabbagh, Emile Tabbagh collection, 115, no. 209; Ackerman, Guide to the exhibition, 191; and Ekhtiar & Moore (eds.). Art of the Islamic world, fig. 1. aa Schroeder, “Rockefeller’s miniatures,” fig. 6; and Simpson, Arab and persian painting, 114, no. 63. ab Christie’s Auction, 27 April 2017, lot 44. ac Simpson, Arab and Persian painting, 114, no. 64. ad Catalogue of the international exhibition, 126, case 219e; Binyon et al., Persian miniature painting, 46, no. 28e; Christie’s Auction, 27 April 2004, lot 76; and Von Folsach, For the privileged few, 52. ae Macy, Everit Macy collection, 104, no. 442. af Riefstahl, Exhibition, no. 9. ag Tabbagh, Catalogue des objets, pl. ix, no. 140. ah McAllister, “Two Persian miniatures,” 203. ai Christie’s Auction, 15 October 2002, lot 154; and Sotheby’s Auction, 22 April 2015, lot 124. aj Christie’s Auction, 23 October 2007, lot 170; Sotheby’s Auction, 14 April 2010, lot 73; and Sotheby’s Auction, 26 April 2017, lot 115. ak Sotheby’s Auction, 7 October 2009, lot 28. al Tabbagh, Emile Tabbagh collection, 119, no. 218. am Simpson, Arab and Persian painting, 114, no. 61. an Tabbagh, Emile Tabbagh collection, colour plate; and Khalili, Timeline history, 69. ao Riefstahl, Exhibition, no. 6; Cott, “Recent accessions,” 36; and Stierlin, Islamic art and architecture, 24. ap Christie’s Auction, 23 October 2007, lot 171. aq Tabbagh, Emile Tabbagh collection, 121, no. 220, and colour plate; and Macy, Everit Macy collection, 107, no. 445. ar Christie’s Auction, 13 April 2010, lot 66. as Tabbagh, Catalogue des objets, pl. ix, no. 142; and Christie’s Auction, 13 April 2010, lot 67. at Canby et al., Court and cosmos, cat. 2a. au Catalogue of the international exhibition, 125, case 214c; Riefstahl, Exhibition, no. 8; and Canby et al., Court and cosmos, cat. 2b. av Ettinghausen, “An illuminated manuscript,” fig. 11; and Hillenbrand, Imperial images, 37, no. 66. aw Christie’s Auction, 27 April 2017, lot 43. ax Ferber, Islam and the medieval West, no. 74; and Canby et al., Court and cosmos, cat. 2c. ay Catalogue of the international exhibition, 212, case 448b; Binyon et al., Persian miniature painting, 46, no. 28g; and Ghiasian, “Historical style,” fig. 2. az Jahn, Die Geschichte der Oġuzen, fig. 14. ba Grube, Muslim miniature paintings, pl. 37; and Jahn, Die Geschichte der Oġuzen, fig. 15. bb Tabbagh, Emile Tabbagh collection, 109, no. 203. bc Catalogue of the international exhibition, 211, case 447b; Binyon et al., Persian miniature painting, 46, no. 28n, and Pl. xxiv; Blauensteiner, “Zur Entwicklung der Bildform,” fig. 3; Aga-Oglu, Exhibition of Islamic art, 27, no. 35; Ackerman, Guide to the exhibition, 192; Grube, Classical style, pl. 24; and Idem, La pittura dell’Islam, fig 26A. bd Christie’s Auction, 20 October 2016, lot 1. be Hillenbrand, Imperial images, 14; and Canby, “Depictions of Buddha,” fig. 6. bf Robinson, Rothschild and Binney collections, 105; Von Folsach, Islamic art, 44; Canby, “Depictions of Buddha,” fig. 7; Von Folsach, Art from the world of Islam, 72; and Ghiasian, “Historical style,” fig. 1.

106

Chapter 3

Catalogue of the international exhibition, 209, case 431b; Binyon et al., Persian miniature painting, 46, no. 28i; Tabbagh, Emile Tabbagh collection, 104, no. 194; Kühnel, “History of miniature painting,” pl. 847; and Ackerman, Guide to the exhibition, 191. bh Pal, Islamic art, no. 190; Lentz & Lowry, Timur and the princely vision, 100; Canby, “Depictions of Buddha,” fig. 8; Blair, Compendium of chronicles, fig. 69; and Komaroff, Islamic art, no. 29. Table 7

List of some of the known intact illustrated folios of the Chinese history in the dispersed manuscript

394b.I.S

397a.I.S

397b.I.S

398a.I.S

401b.I.S

409a.I.S

“Depiction of the first two mythical kings of China,” unknown location.a “Uyanhing, a legendary chief,” The Harvard Art Museums (1960.183), Cambridge, MA.b “Depiction of Chinese emperors,” Princeton Library (88Ga), Princeton, NJ.c “Depiction of four kings of the twenty-seventh Chinese dynasty,” Chester Beatty Library (CBL Per. 105.1a), Dublin.d “Emperor Sha Yu Wan,” Yale University Art Gallery (1983.94.7), New Haven, CT.e “Depiction of Chinese emperors,” Princeton Library (89Gb), Princeton, NJ.f

a Sotheby’s Auction, 22 October 1992, lot 511; Christie’s Auction, 6 October 2009, lot 56; Black & Saidi, Islamic manuscripts, no. 25; and Sotheby’s Auction, 26 April 2017, lot 114. b Catalogue of the international exhibition, 126, case 219c; and Simpson, Arab and Persian painting, 114, no. 62. c Tabbagh, Catalogue des objets, pl. viii, no. 137; and Moghadam & Armajani, Descriptive catalog, no. 192. d Arberry et al., vol. 1, Chester Beatty Library, pl. 14; and Grube & Sims, Between China and Iran, fig. 454. e Tabbagh, Emile Tabbagh collection, 107, no. 198. f Tabbagh, Catalogue des objets, pl. viii, no. 136; and Moghadam & Armajani, Descriptive catalog, no. 193.

As outlined before, Martinovitch stated that the manuscript consists of 407 folios including one hundred and fifty illustrated pages. Among this number of pictures, 146 illustrated leaves are known to me: seventy-three Shahrukhi compositions, thirty-eight miniatures in the second style, eighteen illustrated leaves in the third style, six intact illustrated leaves of the Chinese history, ten inserted papers of the Chinese emperors, and an inserted paper in the colophon page of the section on the ʿAbbasids. Therefore, in the present research

Majma ʿ al-tawarikh and Its Surviving Illustrated Copies

107

approximately four illustrated folios that were counted by Martinovitch have not been identified.203 Comparison of the dispersed manuscript with Hazine 1653 indicates that although there is considerable variation in their illustration cycles there is also considerable overlap. Some of the illustrated episodes in the dispersed codex have not been depicted in Hazine 1653 and vice-versa. However, the cupidity of the modern dealers of art has prevented the reconstruction of the entire manuscript, and we shall only deal with its known illustrations. 203 In July 1965, six leaves of the manuscript were included in the Sotheby’s Auction (“The property of a lady,” lots 36–41) four of which are not illustrated in the catalogue. I am unable to identify these four illustrated pages, which are titled: “The first Muslim embassy to the Negus of Abyssinia” (170 × 224 mm), “The vengeance of the harlot Zabba” (145 × 218 mm), “The dispute between the Quraish tribe and Bani Hashim” (160 × 227 mm) and “The judgment of Hasan” (146 × 226 mm). See Sotheby & Co., Catalogue, 10–11.

Chapter 4

Stylistic Analysis As a result of the importance of literary works, illustrated books commissioned by the Timurid princes in the royal workshops of Shiraz and Herat rank among the most exquisite Islamic manuscripts ever produced. The Timurids were mostly interested in Persian classical poetry including the works of Nizami, Saʿdi (d. 1291–92), Firdawsi, ʿAttar and Khwaju Kirmani (d. 1349). Illustrating lyrical poetry had blossomed under the Jalayirids in the late fourteenth century, but it flourished with the stunning refinement of Timurid painting. The Timurid painters developed the painting style characterized by high-horizon, large-scale miniatures usually in vertical format, and drawing of smaller figures in static compositions. In the present chapter, we will focus on Shahrukhi illustrations of two surviving copies of the “Majmaʿ-Jamiʿ al-tawarikh” (Hazine 1653 and the dispersed manuscript). Moreover, some paintings in Hazine 1654 should also be considered, because they depict the same subject matters. An important fact among these three manuscripts is that they carry paintings from other periods whether before or after. In the present chapter, we shall only deal with the Shahrukhi illustrations of these manuscripts (forty-seven in Hazine 1653 and seventy in the dispersed manuscript) and their relationship with earlier paintings. Apart from the Kulliyat-i tarikhi that should be taken into account separately, almost all aspects of the historical paintings produced for Shahrukh are remarkably uniform in appearance. Richard Ettinghausen was the first to introduce this style of Persian painting, which has been called the “Historical Style of Shahrukh.”1 As Ettinghausen has also stated, some paintings in Hazine 1653, Hazine 1654, the dispersed manuscript and the Jamiʿ altawarikh of the Bibliothèque Nationale (Suppl. pers. 1113) can be discerned as belonging to the same style. The question arises here is why this “Historical Style” lacks the majestic refinement of other paintings produced for Baysunghur, Iskandar Sultan and Ibrahim Sultan? It seems that the appearance of this style in Persian painting was based on several factors. The most important is the nature of this kind of manuscript. As mentioned before, Hazine 1653, Hazine 1654 and the dispersed copy were based on fragments of some incomplete manuscripts produced at 1 Ettinghausen, “An illuminated manuscript,” 42.

Stylistic Analysis

109

the Rabʿ-i Rashidi. Therefore, the aim of Shahrukh’s kitabkhana was maintenance and completion of these valuable books from the preceding century. The painter who was strictly restricted to work in the framework of the vacant space left by the scribe in these manuscripts had a further limitation. He had to coordinate the new paintings with the existing miniatures of the manuscripts. Moreover, in some cases, new illustrations were to be painted over fourteenthcentury paintings, and as Hazine 1654 shows, some parts of several earlier illustrations have been restored. In comparison with poetical books, each historical manuscript in Shahrukh’s kitabkhana was to be illustrated with many more paintings. The Nizami’s Khamsa of 1431, for example, had originally thirty-nine illustrations, while each historical manuscript had at least one hundred paintings. These historical pictures were regarded as useful “illustrations” that help the reader in better understanding of the text, and support the impression of the textual narrative. Compared with other, more costly works of the ateliers of the same period, these illustrations are apt to underline the mundane character of the books. The sketchy execution and plainness of these paintings suits the fact that they belong to a historical work – a category that has been termed “books for reading,” as opposed to works of a more precious, bibliophile character.2 These manuscripts, which targeted privileged personnel of the royal court, served as a pedagogical tool for teaching the Islamic sciences. Usually, the paintings portray the climax of the stories, and almost in a minimal way, they show the most important elements of the narratives. In general, there is a close correspondence between text and image – one could say that we can see a true visualization of the narrative. This function of illustrations was not something new, for many historical books produced in the fourteenth century, including Rashid al-Din’s manuscripts, possess the same character. As was shown in the preceding chapter, perhaps the artists of the Rabʿ-i Rashidi were under some pressure to finish each manuscript in a single year. Because of this haste, some of these books like Hazine 1654 and the divided manuscript were written by several different calligraphers and thus they can not be considered as exquisite royal books. Like other styles of Persian painting, the “historical style” of Shahrukh possesses its own characteristics, which can be identified. Its main iconographic source was the illustrations produced at the Rabʿ-i Rashidi. However, many aspects of the fourteenth-century aesthetics were updated in Shahrukh’s workshop. One of the most remarkable characteristics of the “historical style” is 2 Adamova, Mediaeval Persian painting, 31.

110

Chapter 4

the format of the illustrations that closely followed its prototype. The height of the illustrations plays a significant role in the creation of the space of the paintings. All Shahrukhi paintings of Hazine 1653 have a horizontal format with the only exception of “A dervish becomes a king in India” on folio 429b, which is squarish. Significantly, the height of this illustration, which has occupied twenty-five lines of the text, is related to the panegyric inscription of Shahrukh. On average, each Shahrukhi painting of the manuscript has occupied fourteen or fifteen lines of the text. The lowest height of composition can be found in the painting of “Moses orders the Israelites to sacrifice a cow” on folio 58b with ten lines’ height. The highest illustrations are those on folios 19a, 77a, 79b and 161b that have seventeen lines’ height. All Shahrukhi illustrations of Hazine 1653 have been stretched across the width of the written area. The only exception is the small illustration of “The mountains of India” on folio 425b, which is squeezed in at the left corner of the text area. None of the Shahrukhi compositions of Hazine 1653 has been extended outside the picture frame. In few cases, some minor elements of the pictures, like the top of the headgear or animals’ hooves, have been depicted outside the compositions. Nothing can be said about the number of Shahrukhi artists who worked on Hazine 1653, Hazine 1654 and the dispersed manuscript, because diversity of execution does not necessarily indicate the work of different painters.3 The average height of compositions in Shahrukhi illustrations of the dispersed copy, similarly to Hazine 1653, is about fourteen or fifteen lines. However, according to the variants in sizes of the written surface (311 × 232 mm in Hazine 1653 versus 335 × 227 mm in the dispersed manuscript) and different numbers of line per page (thirty-five in Hazine 1653 versus thirty-three in the dispersed manuscript), the paintings of the dispersed copy have greater height. Naturally, the paintings on cream-coloured folios of the Divided manuscript with their strip-like format are more horizontal than the illustrations on the Shahrukhi folios, because their formats have been arranged in the Rabʿ-i Rashidi. The lowest height of composition among the known paintings on Shahrukhi folios of the dispersed manuscript appears in “Kayumars enthroned” (no. 2 in the list of illustrations), which has eleven lines’ height. The largest paintings of 3 Güner Inal has attempted to identify several different styles in the Shahrukhi illustrations of Hazine 1654, but indeed, the diversity of styles is related to the complicated history of the manuscript and restoration of the Jalayirid miniatures in Shahrukh’s kitabkhana. Inal, “Some miniatures,” 165.

Stylistic Analysis

111

the dispersed manuscript are “Birth of Buddha” with thirty lines’ height (no. 70) and “Moses slays the giant ʿUj” (no. 12 and Cat. 13-2). The latter, which is the only stepped composition of the manuscript, has occupied the entire thirtythree lines, while seventeen lines of the text in the form of an inscription have been transcribed at the upper left corner of the written surface. With the exception of these two vertical compositions, it can be stated that all the known Shahrukhi paintings of the dispersed copy feature a horizontal arrangement. Unlike Hazine 1653, in at least eight paintings of the dispersed manuscript considerable elements of the composition have been extended through the picture frame and into the margin of the folios (nos. 1, 12, 50, 52, 63, 65, 66 and 68). All Shahrukhi paintings of the dispersed copy have been stretched across the width of the written surface. Twenty-one illustrations of the dispersed copy have a gold border. These twenty-one paintings are not consecutive and can be found in different chapters of the book, but all the known Shahrukhi paintings have the gold border after the block of cream-coloured folios (nos. 63–73).4 None of the known illustrations on the folios of the Divided manuscript carries the gold border. The main iconographic source for the Shahrukhi illustrations of Hazine 1653 and the dispersed manuscript was the Arabic codex of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh. The Shahrukhi artists selected this manuscript as a model for two reasons. First, compared with the three Persian fragmentary codices (Hazine 1653, Hazine 1654 and the divided manuscript), the illustration cycle of the Arabic copy was more complete. Second, as Sheila Blair has noted, there was a certain decrease in the quality of the paintings between the Arabic and the Persian copies. She has compared the images of the Arabic and the Persian versions of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh as follows: “The paintings in the Arabic copy apparently served as models for those in the Persian manuscripts, but the latter show far less variety. The illustrations in Hazine 1653 contain more standardized figures set in repetitive compositions, flattened circular arrangements, thicker lines, stockier figures and fewer attempts at three-dimensional representation. The pigments are also cheaper: the artists of Hazine 1653 used far less silver for shading. Most of these changes, like the scribes’ changes in format, can be seen as ways to speed up production and reduce costs.”5

4 Other illustrations with a gold border are the numbers 1, 2, 4, 14–16, 26, 28, 37 and 38. 5 Blair, “Writing and illustrating,” 63.

112

Chapter 4

Table 8

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16

Direct influences of the compositions of the Arabic copy (the Edinburgh fragment) on the Shahrukhi illustrations of Hazine 1653 and the dispersed manuscript

Episode

Arabic Codex

H.1653 Dispersed Manuscript

Jamshid enthroned Salih and the she-camel Abraham in the fire Moses and the Israelites watch the Egyptians drown in the sea Moses and Korah Jonah and the whale Discovery of the well of Zamzam Birth of the Prophet Muhammad Muhammad’s call to prophecy and the first revelation The Prophet Muhammad’s migration Nasr ibn al-Hasan Firuzan orders the killing of Abu Saʿid Shibi Sultan Mahmud of Ghazna defeating Ilak Khan Barkiyaruq ibn Malikshah enthroned Sultan Muhammad ibn Malikshah enthroned Sultan Sanjar with courtiers Tughrul II enthroned

2b 1b 3b 8b

19a — 31b —

— no. 6 — no. 10

9a 32b 41a 42a 45b

59b — — — 154a

no. 11 no. 20 no. 25 no. 26 no. 27

57a 112a

106b —

— no. 43

127b

—

no. 49

139b 140b 142a 147a

— — — —

no. 56 no. 57 no. 58 no. 62

Numerous paintings of the Arabic codex served as model for illustrations produced in Shahrukh’s kitabkhana. Table 8 represents direct influences of the pictures of the Arabic copy on their counterpart images in Hazine 1653 and the dispersed manuscript. Moreover, in a group of paintings, depiction of a single figure is based on the prototype manuscript. For instance, the figures of Moses and his retinue in “Moses and the Israelites watch the Egyptians drown in the sea” from the Arabic manuscript (Edinburgh University, fol. 8b) served as models for the painting “Moses orders the Israelites to sacrifice a cow” from Hazine 1653 (fol. 58b). Without considering drawings of the Chinese emperors, depictions of at least eleven Shahrukhi paintings of Hazine 1654 were closely based on the Arabic codex. In the “historical style of Shahrukh,” no direct

Stylistic Analysis

113

influence from the Rashidi illustrations of the three Persian copies of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh can be discerned. One of the most distinctive features of the “historical style” is the colour scheme. Compared with other schools of Persian painting in the Timurid and Ilkhanid periods, the colours here are more saturated and less grayish. A question that arises here is why are the colours like red, yellow, blue, green and orange highly pure and bright? Interestingly, a significant theory of colour psychology can be found in Hafiz-i Abru’s Majmaʿ al-tawarikh. It comes in the story of the corpse that was found among the Israelites and caused violent conflicts between them. They told Moses to ask God to help them in finding the murderer. Moses prayed and God commanded them to slaughter a cow and to strike the dead man with a piece of the cow. They asked many questions about the features of the cow, in which one of their questions was about its colour. Moses said, “He says, ‘It is a yellow cow, bright ( faqiʿ) in colour – pleasing to the observers’” [Qurʾan 2:69]. Hafiz-i Abru in the commentary of the abovementioned verse of the Qurʾan declares: The meaning of faqiʿ is intensely yellow. It is said that among colours no colour is more pleasant than yellow, the feature of which is rejoicing. Sages say that there are three colours that when eyes look at them, the heart becomes happy: yellow, green and red; green in the earth, red in the garment and yellow in the livestock. However, the heart avoids black; and white tranquilizes the heart.6 It seems that Hafiz-i Abru’s theory of colours has been utilized in the Shahrukhi illustrations of Hazine 1653 and the dispersed manuscript. Bright tones and pure colours are even more lavishly applied in Hazine 1653. As a reason, one might adduce that it is in some parts an autograph by Hafiz-i Abru and perhaps his opinion was influential on the painter’s selection of colours. Another aspect of the colour scheme that needs comment is the colour of the garments of the prophets and other religious figures. Considering the garments’ colour in the paintings executed in the Rabʿ-i Rashidi, especially the Arabic codex, it can be said that there is no emphasis on the prophets. Almost all the personages in the paintings of the Arabic copy wear clothes coloured grayish blue or brown. But here in the paintings produced for Shahrukh, the garments’ colour of nearly all the prophets is green and brown. In some exceptional cases, the prophets wear blue robes. In some cases, when a prophet 6 Hazine 1653, fol. 58b.

114

Chapter 4

and a religious figure are shown in a single image, usually the prophet wears a green robe and his companion a brown one. For instance, the figures of Abraham and Ishmael in Hazine 1653, fol. 35b (Cat. 5-1) and the figures of the Prophet Muhammad and Abu Bakr in the dispersed manuscript can be mentioned (Cat. 20).7 Thus, it can be said that the prophets are depicted as Muslim religious figures, green being the colour of Muhammad’s family and brown the colour of devoted men of religion, especially mystics.8 1

Human Figures

One of the strongest components of the “historical style” seems to be the human form, which is the main vehicle for transmitting the message. The human beings in the Shahrukhi paintings of Hazine 1653 and the dispersed manuscript are Turkman in appearance. The only clearly defined racial type of non-Iranian people is the Indians, who are painted in black. Depictions of the Indians can be found in the subsections on the Ghaznavids and Indians (Hazine 1653 fol. 429b, and the dispersed manuscript nos. 41, 48, 49, 50 and 71–73). With the exception of the kings and warriors, the majority of personages wear a Persian turban of white colour. Some of the turbans are in the form of taht al-hanak (i.e. [fold of turban passed] under the chin) (figs. 6C and 7A). Occasionally, the turbans of some of the prophets are covered with a long scarf or veil, one of the markers of prophets in the Shahrukhi manuscripts that are clearly derived from the Rashidi models (figs. 6A, 6B, 7D and 8E).9 This veil is a variation of tarha, which designates religious figures in the ʿAbbasid period.10 Depiction of Mongol caps is less common in the Shahrukhi illustrations (figs. 6G, 6H, 6K and 7E). Usually, the kings and princes wear tri-lobed golden crowns (figs. 6F and 17). Most personages in the subchapter on the Ughuz Turks of both manuscripts wear a special feathered headgear (fig. 6L). 7 The Prophet Muhammad and Abu Bakr also wear green and brown robes respectively in the painting “The Prophet Muhammad’s migration” on fol. 160b of Hazine 1653. The same episode in Hazine 1654, fol. 73b, which is illustrated in Shahrukh’s kitabkhana, has the same treatment of colours. The same garment colouration can also be seen in two paintings of the Kulliyat-i tarikhi: Jesus and his closest companion in “Jesus brings back to life Shem, the son of Noah” on fol. 89b, and the Prophet Muhammad and Imam ʿAli in “The conquest of Mecca” on fol. 171a. 8 Milstein, “Iconography of Moses,” 202. 9 For depictions of turbans covered by veils in the Arabic codex, see the following folios from the Edinburgh fragment: 1b, 3b, 6b, 8a, 8b, 10b, 17a and 55a. 10 Milstein, “Iconography of Moses,” 204. See also Stillman et al., “Libās.”

Stylistic Analysis

Figure 6

115

Portraits and headgears, line drawing by the author

In the compositions of the “historical style,” as few figures as possible are depicted. A crowd is usually shown with depictions of two or three personages in the first plan and some three or four heads behind them in a triangular form (figs. 8G and 16). By overlapping personages and placing them one behind the other, the flatness of the pictures has been reduced. The garments of non-royal people lack any motifs. The kings and their entourage wear a garment with golden motifs of swans or phoenixes surrounded by spiral lines. These patterns are always located on the shoulder and chest of the personages (figs. 6, 7 and 17). Unlike the Rashidi prototypes, in the Shahrukhi paintings there is no attempt to depict the draperies or clothes three-dimensionally, and the folds of the garments are shown with lines. A number of the men wear robes with extremely long sleeves (figs. 7H, 7I, 8D, 8F, 17E, 17F and 17H). Sometimes the kings and their attendants wear a long under-garment with short-sleeved over-garment in two different colours (fig. 17). Several Indian figures wear short skirt-like garments and short robes that are clearly characteristic of the local costumes (fig. 8K). Differentiation of the costumes is also related to the social status of the parsonages. Working people, for instance, wear short garments (fig. 8A).

116

Figure 7

Chapter 4

Sitting human beings, line drawing by the author

The human figures are characterized by a relatively large head on a short body. The head size is even more exaggerated in Hazine 1653. Usually, the standing figures are drawn in a position leaning forward (fig. 8). Some of the sitting people are depicted from three-quarter view, and others from front view (fig. 7). Nearly all faces are shown in three-quarter view (fig. 6). The beards of some adults are long and others have a short beard. The youngsters are characterized by a globular head, cherry-like lips and most often no beard. Several Shahrukhi illustrations of Hazine 1653, Hazine 1654 and the dispersed manuscript represent angels confronting a prophet (fig. 9). The angels are drawn as winged human beings whose hair is parted in the middle. There is no standard rule for depicting the angels.11 Some of them wear long flowing cloaks, and some wear striped or plain low-necked garments. Some of the long garments are bound at the waist by a belt studded with golden plaques. A group of angels wears a tri-lobed golden crown (Cat. nos. 14 and 19-1), and a group has a halo of flames around their heads (Cat. nos. 5-1 and 19-2), while the majority of them have neither crown nor flaming halo.

11 For a discussion of angels in Islam, see Macdonald, “Mala‌ʾika.”

Stylistic Analysis

Figure 8

Human figures in standing position, line drawing by the author

117

118

Chapter 4

Figure 9

Angels, line drawing by the author

Architectural Forms and Natural Life

Since the height of the illustrations does not permit the presence of majestic buildings, architecture is not a dominant part of the “historical style”. A facade of a building can be seen in seven illustrations of the dispersed manuscript (nos. 32, 35, 36, 41, 47, 48 and 52) and only one Shahrukhi painting of Hazine 1653, which portrays the construction of the mosque at Medina (fol. 161b). These buildings are extremely simplified and flat. They are depicted to the left or right of the compositions and have been stretched across the entire height of the picture frame. They consist of a wall and an arched entrance portal.

Stylistic Analysis

119

Figure 10 Architectural forms, line drawing by the author

Some of these buildings carry a short Arabic inscription in kufic against a lapis lazuli background (figs. 10A and 10C).12 Five Shahrukhi paintings of Hazine 1653 show interior scenes (fols. 13b, 19a, 38b, 41b and 429b) and all others portray landscapes. The low rate of depicting interiors in the “historical style” can also be confirmed in the dispersed manuscript by presence of four illustrations (nos. 3, 25, 27 and 53). The interiors are characterized by a wall decorated with blue revetment tiles and large hanging curtains. The tiling consists of a construction of tri-lobed stars and hexagonal forms (fig. 10B). Although no Shahrukhi painting of Hazine 1653 portrays a

12 These inscriptions are as follows: “La ilaha illa Allah, Muhammad rasul Allah” (Hazine 1653, fol. 161b), “Al-mulku lillah” (dispersed manuscript, nos. 35, 41 and 52) and “Ya mufattih al-abwab” (dispersed manuscript, no. 36)

120

Chapter 4

tent, five illustrations of the dispersed copy depict royal tents, which are decorated with arabesque motifs (fig. 10D). As mentioned before, the majority of the episodes portray open spaces and thus compared with architecture, natural life plays a more significant role in these illustrations. Usually, the battlefields are barren but the more pacific scenes occasionally show plants and animals. Three paintings represent pure landscapes: “The dog Qara Buraq drives off the wolves” in both manuscripts (fol. 386b and no. 68) and “Four monkeys in the mountains of India” in Hazine 1653 (fol. 425b). Depictions of rocks can be seen in seven paintings of Hazine 1653 (fol. 35b, 62a, 154a, 160b, 285b, 386b and 425b) and eight illustrations of the dispersed manuscript (nos. 6, 7, 12, 26, 28, 65, 66 and 68). The cracks and fissures are depicted with parallel lines, which have different thicknesses, and in various shades of dark-blue (fig. 11). Although some variants of colours have been used, a certain flatness can be seen in representation of the rocks. Although in two paintings of the Paris Jamiʿ al-tawarikh (fols. 190a and 212a) and at least one miniature of the Hermitage Khamsa (fol. 393a) the rocks portray human and animal faces, in the illustrations of Hazine 1653 and the dispersed copy no rock face is visible.13 The clouds and flames which do appear are similar to those in the paintings of other Persian workshops. They appear as white billows with grayish shadows on a blue or lapis lazuli background, but are much less elegant than in the miniatures of other ateliers of the same period (fig. 12). The fiery halo, which is depicted for the prophets, is in the form of flames rising from the turban or surrounding the whole body (fig. 12). Rachel Milstein suggests a Buddhist origin for this symbol of sanctity.14 Compared with Hazine 1653, portrayal of clouds is less common in the dispersed manuscript, while use of a fiery halo for the prophetic figures is more usual in the dispersed codex. Among the thirteen Shahrukhi illustrations of the prophets in Hazine 1653, only two paintings show flaming haloes. The first painting, which illustrates the sacrificial scene (Cat. 5-1), emphasises the importance of Abraham in Islamic thought. The second picture depicts Muhammad’s call to prophecy (Cat. 19-1). The figure of the Prophet Muhammad in the paintings on folios 160b and 161b is depicted without the halo of holiness. Interestingly, the figure of Abraham (Cat. 5-2) and all the eight known depictions of the Prophet Muhammad in the dispersed manuscript (nos. 27–32 and 34–36; or Cat. nos. 18, 19-2 and 20) represent flaming haloes. Apart from these two prophets, the figure of Jesus (Cat. 15) and one 13 For the studies of rock figures in Persian painting more generally, see Brend, “Rocks in Persian miniature;” and O’Kane “Rock faces.” 14 Milstein, “Iconography of Moses,” 210.

Stylistic Analysis

121

Figure 11 Rocks, line drawing by the author

of the four depictions of Moses (Cat. 10) in the dispersed copy show flaming haloes. While the halo of Jesus is similar to the haloes of Abraham and the Prophet Muhammad, the halo of Moses encompasses the whole of his body. Thus, it becomes clear that among the illustrations of the Majmaʿ altawarikh, only four prophets have fiery haloes: Abraham, Moses, Jesus and Muhammad.15 For the explanation of this emphasis on certain prophets it can

15 The emphasis on Abraham, Moses and Muhammad can also be seen in Hafiz-i Abru’s Kulliyat-i tarikhi (Bağdat 282). Of the twenty illustrations of the manuscript, three depict

122

Chapter 4

Figure 12 Clouds and flames, line drawing by the author

be said that these four figures rank among the five ulu al-ʿazm (i.e. [messengers] endowed with great determination) prophets. The vegetation in Shahrukhi paintings can be classified into three major groups: barren landscapes, scenes with some flowery bushes, and luxuriant vegetation. Among the Shahrukhi paintings of these two manuscripts, twentythree in Hazine 1653 and thirty-nine in the dispersed manuscript show barren scenes. In the barren landscapes, the earth is filled with rhythmic depictions of sparse tufts of grass. In the second group (thirteen in Hazine 1653 and eighteen in the dispersed manuscript), some flowery bushes have been added to the texture of the barren scenes (figs. 13A–F). The luxuriant vegetation can be seen in two illustrations of the dispersed manuscript (nos. 2 and 70) and a painting in Hazine 1653 (fol. 31b). In these landscapes, the ground is filled with intertwined bushes and the space between the foliage is hatched with dark green (fig. 13G). For the iconographic source of this type of vegetation, it can be stated that it episodes from the life of Abraham, three show Moses, and three portray the Prophet Muhammad.

Stylistic Analysis

123

Figure 13 Plants, line drawing by the author

is derived from the conventions of the Jalayirid art and the Shirazi paintings produced for Iskandar Sultan. Among the Jalayirid miniatures of Hazine 1654, for example, two paintings show the same modeling of vegetation (fols. 206b and 213b). Although they have been executed clumsily, they served as models for two Shahrukhi paintings of the same manuscript (fols. 222a and 246b), two illustrations of the Paris Jamiʿ al-tawarikh (fols. 92a and 116b) and perhaps the two above-mentioned miniatures of the dispersed copy. For depiction of this type of vegetation in Shirazi art, the painting “Abraham in the fire” in the

124

Chapter 4

well-known anthology of 813/1411 produced for Iskandar Sultan now in Lisbon, Calouste Gulbenkian Museum (MS. L.A. 161, vol. 2, fol. 327a) can be mentioned.16 This type of vegetation has also been used in two paintings of the Kulliyat-i tarikhi (fols. 35b, 78a). Nine illustrations of Hazine 1653 and twenty-four miniatures of the dispersed manuscript represent at least a tree. Most of the trees in Hazine 1653 are depicted on the skyline, while only their trunk and the lower part of their crown are visible. The greater height of compositions in the dispersed copy permitted the artist to depict more trees and shrubs. Seven tree species can be discerned in the Shahrukhi paintings of these two manuscripts (fig. 14). The most common trees in the “historical style” are the plane tree and a type of pine (figs. 14D and 14F). The leaves of the plane trees are painted in different shades of green and thus represent a three-dimensional space (Cat. nos. 8 and 9). No cypress tree is depicted in Hazine 1653 and the dispersed copy. However, two illustrations of the Paris Jamiʿ al-tawarikh (fols. 85b and 159b) represent cypress trees, which can be derived from the Jalayirid paintings of Hazine 1654, because some compositions of the Paris codex also are modeled after those Jalayirid miniatures. Almost no animal or bird unrelated to the text has been painted in the “historical style.” In other words, these creatures do not decorate the landscapes but they are an integral component of the process of direct visualization of the narratives. Depiction of the birds, for example, can be seen in the episodes as follows: “The Ark of Noah” (Hazine 1653, fol. 12a; and the dispersed manuscript, no. 1), “Solomon among the demons, fairies, wild animals and birds” (Hazine 1653, fol. 71a), “Discovery of the well of Zamzam” (dispersed manuscript, no. 26) and “Sakyamuni Buddha announces another prophet” (dispersed manuscript, no. 72). However, in two exceptional cases (dispersed manuscript, nos. 57 and 70) the text does not refer to a falcon and two small birds. Drawings of the animals and birds are always faithful to their natural species (fig. 15). All these creatures are shown from the profile view. Sometimes the texture of an animals’ body is defined with hatching. The horse, the animal most appreciated by the Persian painters, is here shown in various colours: brown, ochre, reddish, white, black and gray. Usually, multiple horses in a single composition have different colours.

16 For the Lisbon anthology and its contents, see Soucek, “Manuscripts of Iskandar Sultan;” and Sturkenboom, “Imagery of the Manṭiq al-Ṭayr.”

Stylistic Analysis

Figure 14 Tree species, line drawing by the author

125

126

Chapter 4

Figure 15 Animals, line drawing by the author

Battle Scenes

Among the subject matters of Shahrukhi paintings of the two manuscripts, battlefields and enthronements are two largest groups. Eleven Shahrukhi illustrations of Hazine 1653 and fifteen Shahrukhi paintings of the dispersed copy represent battle scenes.17 The average number of human figures in war scenes 17 Battlefields in Hazine 1653 are found in the following pages: 17b, 23b, 26a, 74b, 79b, 91b, 125b, 126a, 285b, 332b and 337b. The paintings depicting battles in the dispersed manuscript are the numbers 12, 15, 17, 31, 33, 36–38, 41, 44, 45, 47, 48, 50 and 66.

Stylistic Analysis

127

of Hazine 1653 is five, but this number in the dispersed manuscript has been increased to eight. Most of the battle paintings are located in the sections on the histories of pre-Islamic Persian kings, early Islam and Ghaznavids. They portray a selected episode of the war such as pursuit, encounter and combat. The main fight always occurs between two horsem*n. All battle paintings are shown in a hilly landscape with a high horizon below a lapis lazuli sky. The backgrounds of these paintings have been depicted as empty as possible. In this group of illustrations, depictions of buildings, trees, clouds and shrubs are very rare. In all battle scenes, the earth is filled with rhythmic depictions of sparse clumps of grass. Unlike the Rashidi paintings, in the Shahrukhi illustrations the warriors and horses do not wear armour, and the military dress is restricted to helmets (fig. 16). Usually, several horsem*n are cut off by the picture frames on the left and right, and thus creating movements that extend beyond the picture frames. Extension of the pictorial movements in two directions causes these paintings to appear more horizontal. Among the Shahrukhi illustrations of Hazine 1653 and the dispersed manuscript, the group of battle episodes shows the least impact of the Rashidi paintings. Nevertheless, a comparative example clarifies how the painters of Shahrukh’s atelier were influenced by their predecessors. The painting “Bahman taking revenge on the Sistanians,” in the Metropolitan Museum of Art (no. 16 in the list of illustrations) can be compared with “Ilak Khan puts heathen invaders to flight” from the Arabic codex now in the Edinburgh University Library (fol. 133b).18 In both paintings, which display scenes of pursuit, the victorious fighter has been depicted in the centre of the composition. Some horsem*n (three in the Arabic codex and five in the dispersed copy) with discarded weapons escape towards the left. The last of them, who is about to be killed, turns towards his pursuer, raising his hand in surrender or supplication. In the Arabic codex, the victorious horseman Ilak Khan is followed by three riders, holding spears in their hands, but in the dispersed manuscript two riders follow Bahman without spears. In the Rashidi painting, the mace of Ilak Khan has been raised, but in the Shahrukhi painting, Bahman holds an upraised sword. In the Ilkhanid picture, two discarded spears lie on the earth, while in the other image there are two swords on the ground. The background of the Rashidi painting is blank, but three rows of schematic peaks indicate the landscape. The painting of the dispersed copy represents a plain hilly landscape without any tree or shrub. The Ilkhanid painting is more horizontal and its galloping horses are more 18 For reproduction of the painting in the Arabic codex, see Rice, Illustrations to the world history, no. 61.

128

Chapter 4

Figure 16 Warriors and battles, line drawing by the author

aggressive. Because of the representation of the diagonal lines of the spears and the gestures of the fighters, the Ilkhanid composition appears much more dynamic. In both pictures, the horses are cut across by the picture frame to the left and right. In the Shahrukhi painting, the horsem*n are also cut across by the frame and thus the painter confronts us with a more limited section of the scene. As this comparison exemplifies, with the exception of three illustrations

Stylistic Analysis

129

(Hazine 1653 fols. 26a and 337b and the dispersed manuscript no. 67), nearly all warriors in the Shahrukhi paintings fight with sword instead of spear. Among the Shahrukhi depictions of the prophets, only one painting in the dispersed copy shows a battle scene: “Imam ʿAli and the Prophet Muhammad in the battle of Uhud” (no. 34). Four horsem*n are depicted in this extremely plain composition. On the right, the Prophet gazes towards the centre where Imam ʿAli is killing Talha ibn Abi Talha. 4

Enthroned Figures

Enthronement, which is one of the two largest groups of subject matter, is represented in eleven Shahrukhi illustrations of Hazine 1653 and nineteen paintings of the dispersed manuscript.19 With the exception of four paintings in Hazine 1653 (fols. 13b, 19a, 41b and 429b) and two illustrations of the dispersed manuscript (nos. 3 and 25), all enthronement scenes take place in open space. Apart from three illustrations of Hazine 1653 (fols. 71a, 377a and 387a) all Shahrukhi thrones of these two manuscripts can be described as follows: they are drawn flatly in two-dimensional appearance with the overall shape of a pentagon (figs. 17B–D). The figure is sitting on a rectangular or oval mattress, which is mostly decorated with golden motifs. A curtain, which has several folds on the right, middle and left, is hanging in the lowest part of the throne. All enthroned figures are drawn from the front view and their faces are shown in three-quarter view looking towards the left side of the composition. Since the enthroned personages look towards left, all the thrones are located at the centre or right side of the compositions. Usually, the enthroned figures are flanked by their entourage, who stand on both sides of the throne (fig. 17A) or sit on a chair (figs. 17E–H). Sometimes a tree or several imaginary flowers grow behind the thrones (fig. 13D). In several paintings, the gestures of personages and some pictorial elements such as hanging curtains, thrones and chairs have been derived from the Arabic codex. The average number of courtiers in the paintings of these two manuscripts is six, which has been remarkably reduced in comparison with the prototype manuscript. Greater heights of compositions and reduction of the number of human beings resulted in the extension of space in the Shahrukhi paintings. 19 The paintings of princely personages on their thrones in Hazine 1653 are those on folios 13b, 19a, 21b, 27a, 41b, 71a, 330a, 377a, 387a, 416a and 429b. The illustrations of the enthroned kings in the dispersed manuscript are the numbers 3, 4, 14, 24, 43, 52–64 and 68.

130

Chapter 4

Figure 17 Personages sitting on thrones and chairs, line drawing by the author

Most of the enthronement scenes show a liking for symmetry, which is organized by the depiction of a throne in the middle and two or three personages to right and left. Two fifteenth-century prophetic images in Hazine 1653 show enthroned figures: “Solomon among demons, fairies, wildlife and birds” (Cat. 14) and “Joseph before the women of Egypt” (Cat. 7). The latter painting represents Zulaykha, who is seated on a simple throne with a two-dimensional appearance. Solomon’s throne is more elaborated and comes very close to those examples seen in the Arabic copy of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh.

∵

This review of the “historical style” of painting for Shahrukh can be summarized as follows: the basic function of these “illustrations” is to support the impression of the textual narrative; they portray as few pictorial elements as possible against a plain background; usually compositions are extremely flat; ornamentation is utilized sparingly; the elements used to display landscape

Stylistic Analysis

131

are usually large; the small height of the compositions is related to the fact that mostly they are paintings added to incomplete manuscripts surviving from the Rabʿ-i Rashidi; and Hafiz-i Abru’s theory of colours played an important role in these illustrations. Generally, in the “historical style,” open space compositions with high horizon hilly landscapes beneath a lapis lazuli sky are preferred. There is a general tendency towards symmetrical compositions arranged with an axis in the middle of the picture and the depiction of some equivalent pictorial elements to the left and right. Personages appear aligned horizontally in groups. Sometimes their figures overlap each other, and sometimes, especially when the number of figures in a composition is limited to four or less, they are represented separately. The human figures are characterized by a relatively large head on a short body. The main iconographic sources for the “historical style” were the Arabic codex of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh, and the manuscripts produced for Iskandar Sultan and the Jalayirid patrons. However, it seems that some aspects of the fourteenth-century paintings were not acceptable in the eyes of the artists of Shahrukh’s kitabkhana. This is evident from the fact that many earlier paintings were restored or overpainted. What makes the “historical style” distinguishable from the majority of artistic styles of the Timurid period are the depiction of large-scale figures that leaves little space for the setting, a kind of hurriedness in execution, and the horizontal format of the compositions. Nevertheless, a considerable number of the paintings in the Paris Jamiʿ al-tawarikh (Suppl. pers. 1113), especially towards the end of the book, are arranged in vertical format, and for this reason, in my view, it seems possible to date it after the accomplishment of the copies of the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh. The number of the colours applied in a painting of the “historical style” is much more limited than in other styles and gold is not lavishly used. The colouring is less rich and decorative than in other manuscripts and even less picturesque than those non-historical manuscripts produced for Shahrukh. Likewise, compared with other styles, these paintings appear more minimalistic in their component parts. Usually they are more illustrative and the majority of the pictorial elements are employed to transfer a message.

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets 1

Cat. 1: Adam Orders Abel and Cain to Sacrifice

The first subsection of the first volume of the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh, which is devoted to the history of creation and the prophet Adam, is titled “prologue” (muqaddima). This prologue consists of nine accounts (zikr), which are only illustrated with one painting. It illustrates the eighth account (The Children and Descendants of Adam) and shows Adam and his two sons. Although the first painting of the Kulliyat-i tarikhi is devoted to the adoration of Adam (fol. 16a),1 this scene was not designated for illustration in Hazine 1653. Perhaps the artists of the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh manuscripts wanted to avoid the depiction of the devil, because this figure never seems to appear at all. The account in Hazine 1653 starts with offering different narratives concerning the birth of Adam’s first child and then, the story of Abel and Cain is mentioned. The text points out that Adam told Abel to marry Cain’s twin, Iqlimiya, and ordered Cain to marry Abel’s twin, Luza. After Cain’s objection, Adam was obliged to command his two sons to sacrifice. The text below the painting in Hazine 1653 describes the sacrifice as follows: It is said that Adam had determined one day during the year for prayer, prostration and sacrifice. A fire like a bird came down from the heaven and consumed the sacrifice that was accepted, and the other sacrifice that it left untouched was rejected and its lord became disgraced and ashamed among the people.… Thus, when Cain opposed the marriage of Abel with his twin, Adam ordered both of them to offer a sacrifice, saying, “Whosoever’s sacrifice will be accepted, I will give him the daughter.” They went and offered their sacrifices. Abel, who was a herdsman, brought a good sheep, fastened its legs and put it at the location of sacrifice. Cain, who was a farmer, offered a bundle of bad wheat. Then a fire like a bird came down, consuming Abel’s sacrifice, and disappeared while leaving Cain’s untouched. Then Hafiz-i Abru explains Abel’s murder by Cain as the “first criminal act” committed by the children of Adam. This account finishes with the birth of Seth, as the substitute of Abel and Adam’s vicegerent. No picture illustrating this episode in other codices of the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh or the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh 1 Reproduced by Grube, Miniature Islamiche, fig. 64A; and Sims et al., Peerless images, no. 180.

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

Cat. 1

133

“Adam orders Abel and Cain to sacrifice,” detail of folio 9a from a copy of the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh, opaque watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Herat, ca. 1428. Topkapı Sarayı Library (Hazine 1653) photo by Courtesy of the Topkapı Sarayı Library

134

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

is known to us. The painting illustrates the moment of accepting Abel’s sacrifice in the presence of Adam and his two sons. In the middle of the picture, a white ram is surrounded by golden flames of fire, which originated from the swirling clouds. Use of the gold and the cloud is comparable with the paintings of the Miʿrajnama manuscript (Suppl. turc 190) and seems to be used to create a connection to the heavenly sphere and to symbolize the indescribable. On the left, the turbaned Adam, who is dressed in a long robe, stands on a pinkish hill. Abel and Cain, wearing extremely long-sleeved robes in two shades of green, stand next to each other. Cain has raised his hand in protest while his brother turns back looking him. The landscape is characterized by a hill filled with sparse clumps of grass and a few flowery bushes below a blue sky. The diagonal arrangement of the flames of fire draws the attention of the spectator into the picture. This form appears as the only dynamic element of the picture. The outstretched hands of Cain and his father and direction of their eyes indicate horizontal movement, which is interrupted by the form of the flames. 2

Cat. 2: The Ark of Noah

Hafiz-i Abru begins his long account on the story of Noah with the genealogy of the prophet and his biography. Then he presents different narrations concerning the religion and the nationality of Noah’s people, and according to one of the verses of the Qurʾan, he concludes that they were idolaters. He continues the discussion with Noah’s invitation, the people’s refusal, and their insistence on their sins. After enduring their mockery for more than nine hundred years, Noah asked God for assistance. He was commanded to plant many teak trees and to wait forty years for the trees to grow. Then Noah built a ship under God’s inspiration with a construction of planks and nails in three storeys. The text below the illustrations in both manuscripts begins with the following sentences: Ibn ʿAbbas says that there were eighty believers in the ark, one from Noah’s [family] and the others were descendants of Seth. Qatada says that they were Noah, his wife and his three sons: Shem, Ham and Japheth, each with their wives. From Noah’s family there were these eight people and others were the believers of Noah. However, Aʿmash does not mention Noah’s wife and says that there were seven people. According to the command, they took with them a pair of every type of domesticated animal, wild animal and bird.… One of the sons of Noah that was named Kanʿan, for his extreme ingratitude did not obey his father. Fatherly affection

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

135

persuaded Noah to admonish his son, “O my son, come aboard with us and be not with the disbelievers” [Qurʾan 11:42]. However, the mind of his son was filled with atheism and did not go on board, saying, “I will take refuge on a mountain to protect me from the water” [Qurʾan 11:43]…. The bottom floor of the ark was filled with the animals, the middle storey with the humans, and the upper storey with the birds. Then the story continues with the events of the six months that the Ark was floating. Finally, they disembarked at the mount of Judiy, where they waited forty days until the water was absorbed by the earth completely. The account finishes with the beliefs of different religions and nations about the flood. The earliest dated Islamic book painting with the subject matter of Noah’s Ark is the illustration of the Arabic copy of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh now in the Khalili Collection.2 The simple dhow with black keel has two masts, two steering oars, white ornamented lateen sail and rudder. Although the first line below the painting explains that there were eight people on the Ark: “Noah and his wife, his three sons each with their wives,” the painting shows seven men; all wearing turbans.3 The white-bearded prophet, reclining on the deck, is depicted almost larger than the other personages. The background of the ship represents a hilly landscape. Four fish in the raging water are the only creatures in the scene. The next example of depicting this episode is a painting in the well-known Diez Albums of the Berlin State Library (Diez A folio 72. p. 16, no. 2) that can be attributed to the first half of the fourteenth century.4 The composition with an empty background is extremely plain and static. The major parts of the pictorial space are occupied by a simple horizontal ship, which is depicted at the centre. Noah reclines on the deck in the upper left corner of the picture in a pose reminiscence of Noah’s figure in the Arabic codex. He is accompanied by three men, all wearing turbans and two women without headgear. 2 Reproduced by Welch, “Arts of the book,” 52; Blair, Compendium of chronicles, fig. 45, and facsimile, K 28; and Shani, “Noah’s Ark,” fig. 1. For a detailed discussion of this painting, see Ibid., 132–37. 3 Terry Allen and Sheila Blair have proposed that the beardless figure on the ship could be a female (Allen, “Byzantine sources,” 123; and Blair, Compendium of chronicles, 81). Since this turbaned personage is not depicted with headscarf like other women in the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh paintings, it appears that all the embarked figures are male. 4 For the Diez albums, see İpşiroğlu, Saray-Alben; Rührdanz, “Illustrationen zu Rašīd al-Dīns;” Roxburgh, “Heinrich Friedrich von Diez;” Rührdanz, “Exotic decoration;” and Gonnella et al. (eds.), The Diez albums. The manuscript is accessible online at: http://digital.staats bibliothek-berlin.de/werkansicht?PPN=PPN736013601&PHYSID=PHYS_0037&DMDID= DMDLOG_0037 (last accessed April 2017).

136

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

The Ilkhanid iconography of Noah’s Ark became much more elaborated under the Timurids. As Richard Ettinghausen has stated, there is no resemblance between the picture of Noah’s Ark in the Arabic copy and those produced for Shahrukh.5 In search of what he has considered the “unknown prototype” for the Shahrukhi paintings, we shall refer to Shirazi manuscripts. A painting in the Lisbon anthology of Iskandar Sultan (vol. 2, fol. 241a), portrays the Ark of Noah.6 This vertical composition, which illustrates Hamd-Allah Mustawfi’s Tarikh-i guzida, has occupied the central and marginal panel of the written surface. On the left, Noah and his family are embarked on a doubledecker ship. In the bottom floor, six pairs of animals can be seen: horses, lions, elephants, camels, oxen and cheetahs. The single-masted ship with black keel has two steering oars and an ornamented sail. Noah’s family consists of a turbaned oarsman in a short-sleeved robe, two women attired in golden crowns and white chadurs, and two infants wearing caps and long-sleeved garments. The white-bearded Noah is depicted considerably larger than other personages. Obviously, Noah is depicted as a Muslim religious figure: he is attired in a robe coloured green, which is the colour of Muhammad’s family, and a turban in the form of taht al-hanak. His left hand points towards the giant ʿUj who stands on the right and holds a great fish in his left hand. The great height of the composition led the artist to paint a crowd of six unbelievers on a mountaintop at the upper part of the painting, and five fish and a dragon swimming at the bottom. With the exception of the mountaintop, everywhere is overwhelmed by the oxidized silver of the floodwater. The Ark of Noah received much attention in Shahrukh’s kitabkhana, so that four illustrations depicting this story survive in four historical manuscripts: the Kulliyat-i tarikhi, Hazine 1653, Hazine 1654 and the dispersed manuscript. Perhaps the earliest painting is the miniature in Hafiz-i Abru’s Kulliyat-i tarikhi.7 It was executed approximately eight years after the Iskandar anthology and thus follows its iconography. The miniature, which illustrates Balʿami’s text, has occupied about two-thirds of the written area of folio 23a. The floodwater has been extended into the margin, where the giant ʿUj holds a fish in his left hand. He is depicted as tall as the entire height of the written surface. The location of the ship and ʿUj in the Iskandar anthology has here been reversed. Like the Iskandar anthology, the ship is shown with single mast and 5 Ettinghausen, “An illuminated manuscript,” 39–40. 6 This painting is reproduced in Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian, Arte e o mar, 66, cat. 40; and Shani, “Noah’s Ark,” fig. 5. For a detailed discussion of this illustration, see Ibid., 148–60. 7 For reproductions of this illustration, see Grube, La pittura dell’Islam, fig. 27; Fontana, Iconografia dell’Ahl al-Bayt, fig. 17; and Shani, “Noah’s Ark,” fig. 9.

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

137

white ornamented sail, but it has three storeys. The two bottom floors of the ship are filled with the pairs of animals such as lions, horses, camels, elephants and deer. A hen and a rooster on the ship’s deck are the only birds in the scene. Interestingly, the rooster could be seen as representing the muezzin (i.e. the person appointed at a mosque to recite the call to prayer) in the version of the story narrated in al-Kisa‌ʾi’s Qisas al-anbiya‌ʾ. According to him, the rooster served as muezzin during the Flood and called the believers on the Ark for morning prayer.8 The white-bearded prophet, who wears a long-sleeved green robe, is again depicted larger than other people. All the members of Noah’s family squat on the deck. His family consists of two turbaned youths, a blackbearded man and a woman wearing a headscarf with her two infants sitting on her feet. The image of a mother holding her children in her bosom is reminiscent of an anecdote narrated by al-Kasa‌ʾi: “God told the ark to protect its passengers as a mother protects her child.”9 Although the two paintings of the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh resemble the earlier depictions in some aspects, they display fundamental differences. Both paintings depict an episode of the ship floating on the water, while the white-bearded Noah admonishes his unbeliever son, Kanʿan, who holds the railings of the ship in his hands. Kanʿan is shown black-bearded without headgear. His face in the dispersed folio has been scratched out. Noah’s outstretched hand toward Kanʿan leads the eye to the latter’s tragic fate. By the depiction of Kanʿan in these paintings, the juxtaposition of reward and punishment is shown very well. As Raya Shani has argued, the painter enhanced the drama by the expression of horror on the face of the women, the raised hand of the drowning son, the sinking figure and the lifeless floating body.10 The main differences of these two illustrations are the proportions of the picture frame and the number of human figures, birds and animals. According to what has been argued in the preceding chapter, the Shahrukhi paintings of Hazine 1653 were to be coordinated with strip-like format of the Rashidi illustrations of the same manuscript. As a result, “The Ark of Noah” in Hazine 1653 is considerably more horizontal than the later depiction of this episode in the dispersed copy. Apart from Kanʿan, in both paintings some drowning men (two in Hazine 1653 and three in the dispersed manuscript) and a drowned horse are depicted. Both arks are shown single-masted with three storeys, but in contrast to the text, the locations of the human beings and birds are replaced, and Noah’s 8 Ibid., 143. 9 Ibid., 171–72. 10 Ibid., 146.

138

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

family is embarked in the upper story. Some of the bird species can be identified: parrot, eagle, owl, rooster and stork. The animals such as elephant, lion, camel, horse, cow, ram and wild boar fill the bottom floor. In contrast to earlier paintings, each type of animal is shown singly rather than in pairs. In the upper half of the lapis lazuli sky, the rain clouds are depicted with spiral lines in different shades of white and gray. The two oars in Hazine 1653 are reminiscent of the oars in the painting of the Arabic codex. Their absence in the dispersed manuscript suggests that the artist of Hazine 1653 has followed the Ilkhanid iconography more closely. In both Majmaʿ al-tawarikh paintings, one of Noah’s sons is shown as a beardless youth without any headgear. He holds the mast while gazing at his brother Kanʿan. One more man is depicted beardless on the far left. The longer ship in Hazine 1653 led the artist to depict more human beings, animals and birds. Here nine personages, eight birds and seven animals are on the ship, while in the dispersed folio seven human figures, seven birds and six animals are embarked. The number of personages in the dispersed folio is more faithful to the text, because Hafiz-i Abru by citing a verse of the Qurʾan concludes that Noah’s wife was an unbeliever.11 Thus, the seven personages in the dispersed folio are Noah, his three sons each with their wives. The gestures of the personages in the two paintings are repetitive and the main difference is the omission of two personages in the dispersed leaf – the oarsman and the woman who is depicted behind the oars. While the painting in Hazine 1653 is located within the text at the lower half of the page, the illustration in the dispersed leaf is placed at the top of a folio and thus the ship’s sail, prow and poop are depicted outside the picture frame. In both images, the ship’s prow is depicted in the form of a golden dragon-head. The raised animal-head prow exemplifies an idiom common in Timurid paintings.12 Remargination of Hazine 1653 resulted in the loss of ship’s prow and poop. The last example of Noah’s Ark produced in Shahrukh’s workshop is a painting in Hazine 1654. It is located in the subchapter on Israelite history on folio 275a. On two sides of folio 275, the story is briefly narrated, and unlike Hafiz-i Abru’s text, there is no Qurʾanic citation. Folio 2b of the same manuscript, which is copied in Shahrukh’s workshop, also refers to the story of the flood but it is not illustrated. The painting, which occupies seven lines of the text, is squeezed in at the bottom of the page.13 Rashid al-Din in the pre-Islamic sec11 See Appendix 1, no. 2. 12 Shani, “Noah’s Ark,” 141, no. 34. 13 Reproduced by Jahn, Die Geschichte der Kinder Israels, pl. 7; and Shani, “Noah’s Ark,” fig. 2.

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

139

tion of his book (Hazine 1654, fol. 2b), mentions that there were eighty people on the Ark, but in the subsection on Jewish history (fol. 275a), gives the number of the Ark’s personages as eight.14 As mentioned earlier, Rashid al-Din’s history of Jews was based on the Jewish sources, and according to the biblical description, only Noah and his closest family were saved (Genesis, 7).15 Anyway, compared with the painting in the Arabic copy, the artist in Shahrukh’s kitabkhana was more faithful to the text. There are eight people on board rather than seven. They consist of both male and female: six turbaned men and two women all in sitting positions. The white-bearded prophet wears a brownish robe while a fold of his turban hangs over his shoulder. His two daughters, wearing a headscarf, are seated behind him. With the exception of the man far left, who is shown beardless, the other four men have short beards. Compared with the paintings of the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh, the lower height of the composition obliged the artist to omit the sky, the drowned figures and the middle storey of the ship. For the birds, a large cubic cage in the poop deck has been considered. A fish in the lower right corner of the painting is reminiscent of the fish in the depiction of the same episode in the Arabic codex. No pictorial element has been designed outside the picture frame and even the golden dragon-head of the prow is located inside the composition. It seems that the Ilkhanid iconography of Noah’s Ark was further developed under the Timurids. In Iskandar’s atelier, the ship became much more elaborated and a separate storey for the pairs of animals was depicted. Moreover, the Shirazi artist added the giant ʿUj, who was destroyed by Moses, to the illustration of Noah’s Ark. The iconography of the Iskandar anthology was followed in the Kulliyat-i tarikhi. In this manuscript, the ship was drawn much larger and the giant ʿUj was dislodged to the margin. Moreover, the ship appeared in three storeys, two of which were filled with the pairs of animals. Finally, in the “historical style” of Shahrukh, because of the faithfulness to the text, the middle storey for the birds was added. It seems that the depiction of rain clouds, the drowned people, and especially Kanʿan, were invented by the artists of Shahrukh’s kitabkhana. Interestingly, the Timurid iconography of the three-storey ark was followed in some of the sixteenth-century depictions.16

14 Compare with the Khalili fragment of the Arabic codex, fol. 45a (fol. 285a of the reconstructed manuscript). 15 Shani, “Noah’s Ark,” 136. 16 For instance, see Shani, “Illustrations of the parable,” figs. 8–9.

140

Cat. 2-1

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

“The Ark of Noah,” detail of folio 12a from a copy of the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh, opaque watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Herat, ca. 1428. Topkapı Sarayı Library (Hazine 1653) photo by Courtesy of the Topkapı Sarayı Library

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

Cat. 2-2

“The Ark of Noah,” a folio from the dispersed manuscript of universal history, opaque watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Herat, ca. 1428, leaf: 423 × 326 mm, painting: 161 × 218 mm. The David Collection, Copenhagen, accession number: 8/2005 photo by Pernille Klemp

141

142 3

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

Cat. 3: The Prophet Salih and the She-Camel

Hafiz-i Abru’s story of Salih, the Arab prophet of ancient Arabia, begins with a description of the people of Thamud and the location where they lived. Afterwards, Salih’s genealogy and his invitation of those people to God are argued. The next episode, which is illustrated, is explained as follows: The people of Thamud doubted his words, and beseeched him, “If you are right, in your prayer ask your Lord to bring a huge camel out of the rock of Samma.” Salih said, “If this task is difficult for you, it is easy for the Almighty God.” Thus, Salih with the command of the Wisest Lord went to a high place and prayed. [Painting] Suddenly, a whining sound arose from the rock, like the whining of the pregnant at the time of childbirth. Among the pieces of the rigid stone came forth a wonderful she-camel, with the same characteristics that they had asked. At the same moment, she gave birth to a calf, nearly as big as herself. Then the story continues with the people’s refusal and their decision to kill the she-camel. For their punishment, God sent a terrible shriek and those who had wronged became fallen corpses. The story of Salih is not illustrated in Hazine 1653 (fols. 29b–30b) and Hazine 1654 (fols. 3b–4a). An episode of this story is depicted in the Arabic copy, the Kulliyat-i tarikhi and the dispersed manuscript. Presumably, this episode in Hazine 1654 had also been illustrated in Rashid al-Din’s scriptorium, but at the beginning of the fifteenth century, the relevant leaf must have been missing, and as discussed before, the first four folios of the manuscript were replaced in Shahrukh’s kitabkhana. The painting of the Arabic codex, which served as a prototype for those illustrations in the Kulliyat-i tarikhi and the dispersed manuscript, represents the scene of the emergence of the camel in front of Salih and his people (fig. 18). On the left, the camel comes out from a rock. On the centre, the prophet has raised his exaggeratedly large hands in prayer, and gazes at the camel. Behind Salih, on the right side of the image, there is another rock with two trunks of trees growing from it. A group of six personages of the people of Thamud is shown in front of the rock on the right. Three of them squat on the ground and two stand behind them. The sixth person is only identified by a detail of his face on the far right. The turban of the white-bearded prophet is covered by a sort of veil. Like the majority of the paintings produced at the Rabʿ-i Rashidi, the background remains empty, and surrounds the figure of Salih in the centre.

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

143

Figure 18 “The prophet Salih brings forth a camel out of a rock,” detail of folio 1b from the Arabic copy of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh, watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Tabriz, dated 1314. Edinburgh University Library, accession number: Or.MS 20

This rendition of space focuses on Salih’s higher position than that of the other figures.17 The picture frame of the painting in the Kulliyat-i tarikhi (fol. 27b) has been extended into the margin, and thus the painting has a horizontal format.18 On the left, the she-camel and her calf are shown among the cracks of a rock. The prophet with a golden flaming halo strikes the rock with his rod. Three personages stand behind the prophet, and a group of eight onlookers can be seen behind the hill and below a golden sky in the upper right corner. In the centre of the picture, a trunk of a tree grows so that its foliage is depicted in the upper margin of the page. A river and some shrubs are painted in front of the rock. Although this composition resembles the painting of the Arabic codex in a few aspects, it represents considerable inventions made by the artists of Shahrukh’s kitabkhana. The general structure of the illustration in the dispersed copy is based on the painting in the Arabic copy. The number of the people accompanying Salih has here been reduced to two personages who stand behind the prophet. Increasing the height of the illustration permitted the artist to paint a lapis lazuli sky above a hilly landscape with high horizon. The two rocks of the Rashidi painting have here been depicted smaller and the prophet stands behind the right hand rock. The two trunks of trees growing from this rock in the Rashidi illustration have been substituted with two pine trees: one located 17 Cho, “How land came into the picture,” 73. 18 For a colour reproduction of the painting, see Grube & Sims, “School of Herat,” 163.

144

Cat. 3

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

“The prophet Salih brings forth a camel out of a rock,” a folio from the dispersed manuscript of universal history, opaque watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Herat, ca. 1428. Cincinnati Art Museum, Cincinnati OH, accession number: 1947.502.3

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

145

at the centre of picture and the other, which is smaller, grows from the left rock. Depiction of the rocks in the first plan of the composition indicates that the painter was concerned with spatial relationships. Similar bushes to the Rashidi painting grow on the two sides of the central tree but they have red flowers. The hilly landscape is filled with sparse clumps of grass and several bushes. Unlike the prototype image, the rocks have numerous cracks and fissures. The gestures of the prophet, the personage on the far right, and the camel are almost identical to the Rashidi painting. The furthest figure on the right, who wears a Mongol cap, is cut across by the picture frame. The black-bearded prophet is dressed in a turban with hanging folds, and unlike the prototype, his turban is not covered by the veil. The coloured washes of the earlier depiction have here been replaced by opaque pigments mainly in blue, green, ochre, brown, orange and red. The brownish robe of the prophet and the central tree are reminiscent of the picture in the Kulliyat-i tarikhi. Some aspects of the iconography of Salih and the camel were repeated in Persian painting of the sixteenth century. For instance, depictions of this story in a copy of Nishaburi’s Qisas al-anbiya‌ʾ (Topkapı Sarayı Library, E.H. 1430, fol. 23b)19 and in the famous dispersed Falnama (“Book of Omens,” Museum für Islamische Kunst, 16945)20 can be mentioned. In both cases, the prophet stands in the middle of the picture, raising his hands in prayer, and looks leftwards. On the right, a group of people accompanies the prophet, and on the left, the camel comes out from the rock. The major difference between the Rashidi painting and the Shahrukhi one is the addition of some onlookers behind the high horizon of the vertical composition. 4

Cat. 4: Abraham in the Fire

The subsection on the stories of Abraham is divided into nine accounts, the first of which is devoted to the events from Abraham’s birth up to his migration. The account begins with the genealogy of the prophet and different narrations concerning his birthplace. Then Nimrod as an idolater and oppressive king who ruled over all the earth with his capital in Babylon is introduced. Next come the accounts of Abraham’s birth and the invitation of his idolater father to God. One day when all the people went outside the town for feasting, Abraham was entrusted to protect the house of idols (butkhana). Abraham

19 Milstein, “Stories and their illustrations,” 117, pl. xxx. 20 Okasha, Muslim painter, 99, fig. 44; and Farhad, Falnama, no. 32.

146

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

took an axe and smashed all the idols except for the largest one. He left it intact and hung the axe on its neck. Having been informed what had happened to the idols, Nimrod summoned Abraham and asked him what he had done to their gods. “Rather, the largest of them did it, so ask them, if they can speak,” replied he. “You know well these do not speak,” said Nimrod. “Why do you worship the objects that cannot speak and do not benefit you nor harm you?” said Abraham. Thus, Nimrod decided to burn Abraham and commanded his people to build a “great structure with high walls in a big garden.” Hafiz-i Abru describes the event as follows: They collected firewood and ignited it. The fire was so hot that nothing could go closer than one farsang (i.e. unit of measurement for how far a man can walk in one day) to it, and no bird could fly in its sky. Thus, he commanded Abraham to be thrown into the fire, but no one could approach the fire. He summoned the sages and said, “Make a plan for I want to throw Abraham into the fire and one cannot approach it.” Therefore, they invented the catapult; and no one had made a catapult before. He summoned carpenters and they build the catapult. When its construction was finished, they put a rock in the catapult and threw it into the middle of fire. Thus, Nimrod ordered the hands and feet of Abraham (pbuh) to be chained and to throw him [Painting] into the fire with the catapult. Nimrod himself attended the scene and watched. In that time, the heavens, angels, earth, mountains and trees whined.… When Abraham descended into the fire, God’s grace and mercy turned the heat of the fire to a garden. This account finishes with Nimrod’s admiration for Abraham’s God and his sacrifice of four thousand cows for his God. However, God did not accept because Nimrod did not give up idolatry. Two paintings of Abraham in the fire from Shahrukh’s kitabkhana survive in the Kulliyat-i tarikhi and Hazine 1653. Moreover, two Rashidi paintings representing the same scene can be found in the Arabic codex (Edinburgh fragment, fol. 3b) and Hazine 1654 (fol. 5b). Rashid al-Din does not narrate this story and simply says, “The story of Nimrod and throwing of Abraham into fire, and that the fire had no effect on Abraham, and Nimrod’s destruction is well-known, and its detailed explanation is not possible in this summary.”21 21 Hazine 1654, fol. 5b. Compare with Or.MS 20, fol. 3b.

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

147

Figure 19 “Abraham in the fire,” detail of folio 3b from the Arabic copy of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh, watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Tabriz, dated 1314. Edinburgh University Library, accession number: Or.MS 20

One of the earliest depictions of this episode in Islamic art is a painting in the Arabic copy of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh (fig. 19). It shows Abraham, raising his hands in prayer, while squats on the ground on the left. He wears a turban covered by a veil and looks towards the left side of the picture. He is surrounded by elliptical loop of the burning firewood. Some flowery plants grow on both sides of the prophet. The huge catapult in a triangular form is depicted in the centre of the composition. The swinging of the catapult’s rope in its left side attracts the spectator’s attention to the figure of Abraham. On the right, Nimrod, who wears a tri-lobed crown, is seated on a folding chair. He is accompanied by five standing personages: one on the far right, who is cut across by the picture frame; two figures stand back to back between the catapult and Nimrod, and two people behind the catapult. The faces of Nimrod and his companions are seriously damaged. The background remains empty except for the upper horizon that is tinted blue. The painting in Hazine 1653 is strongly based on the painting in the Arabic manuscript. Although Hafiz-i Abru’s text mentions that the event took place in a “great structure with high walls in a big garden,” the painting does not represent such a structure and is more faithful to its prototype. The illustration can be seen as a simplified version of the Rashidi painting. Abraham, Nimrod and the far right-hand figure are depicted with similar gestures in nearly the same locations of the composition. Nimrod’s chair is omitted and the number of his companions is reduced to three, all wearing Mongol caps. By placing the figures of Nimrod’s entourage behind the catapult and overlapping them,

148

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

the flatness of the composition has been reduced. The less elaborated catapult does not have the silvery nails of its prototype, but it fills the same place in the scene. It is depicted more centrally and thus it forms an axis of symmetry for the composition. In contrast to the painting of the Arabic codex, the space between Abraham and the burning firewood is filled with luxuriant vegetation. According to Hafiz-i Abru’s text, these flowery plants symbolize the garden. The landscape lacks horizon and is filled with rhythmic depiction of sparse tufts of grass. The colouring is mainly green, gold, blue, brown, red, yellow and orange. Like the prototype picture, none of the pictorial elements has been extended beyond the picture frame. While most of the prophets in the paintings of the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh wear green or brown robes, here Abraham is shown in a blue garment, because green and brown were reserved for the firewood and plants around him. The painting in Hazine 1654 (fol. 5b) represents a different composition from the illustration of the Arabic codex. The left half of the image portrays Abraham and the flowery bushes amid the circle of burning firewood. On the right half of the composition, a greater catapult in front of four standing personages is depicted. Two sides of the fifth folio of Hazine 1654, which carries the depiction of Abraham, had been damaged by abrasion. For this reason, in Shahrukh’s kitabkhana, the figure of Abraham and the flowery plants around him were restored, mainly with blue, green and red. Presumably, the illustration of the Arabic codex established the standard iconography for depicting the scene of “Abraham in the fire.” A double page painting in the Lisbon anthology of Iskandar Sultan (vol. 2, fols. 326b– 327a) shows that the Shirazi artist also followed similar arrangement of the composition.22 The left half of the composition on folio 327a represents Abraham, who squats on the flowery plants. Like the painting of the Arabic codex, he has raised his hands in prayer and gazes towards the left side of the picture. A similar circle of burning firewood with golden flames envelops him. On the right half of the painting (fol. 326b), the catapult, Nimrod and eleven more personages are depicted. The catapult is located in the lower left corner, and Nimrod is seated on a golden chair on the right. The far right-hand courtier who is cut across by the picture frame is reminiscent of the same figure in the Arabic manuscript.

22 For monochrome reproductions of both pages, see Hillenbrand, Imperial images, 76–77; and Idem, Studies in the Islamic arts, 38–39. The left half of this double page (fol. 327a), which shows Abraham amid the flames of fire, is published in colour by Gray, Persian painting, 79; and Grabar, Mostly miniatures, fig. 19.

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

Cat. 4

149

“Abraham in the fire,” detail of folio 31b from a copy of the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh, opaque watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Herat, ca. 1428. Topkapı Sarayı Library (Hazine 1653) photo by Courtesy of the Topkapı Sarayı Library

150

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

The dynamic composition of the painting in the Kulliyat-i tarikhi represents a fundamental difference from the above-discussed illustrations. The miniature has squarish appearance and is located on the top of folio 30a.23 Abraham falls onto roses in a pose of prostration amid the golden flames. His figure is depicted in the margin and outside the lower left corner of the picture. Again, here the catapult is shown between Abraham and Nimrod in a form resembling the painting of the Lisbon anthology. The diagonal throwing lever of the catapult indicates movement to the margin. On the right, Nimrod is seated on a chair in front of four courtiers. Two more personages stand in the lower part beside the catapult. A vast area in the centre of the image remains empty and only tiny tufts of grass fill it. 5

Cat. 5: Abraham Sacrifices His Son

The sixth account from the stories of Abraham in the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh deals with his sacrifice. According to Hafiz-i Abru, Abraham made a vow to sacrifice his son, if he were to have one. When Ishmael was ten years old and Isaac was five years old, Abraham was commanded in a dream to sacrifice his son, Ishmael. Abraham took a knife and a rope and went to a mountain together with his son. He told his son that he had been shown in a dream that he had to sacrifice him. The son said, O my father, do that to which you are commanded. Tie my hands and legs with this rope so that I do not move about. Hold your robe away from me when you decapitate me, lest my blood splash it, and lest my mother see it. Do not postpone the command of the Almighty God, that we will be guilty. The climax of the story is narrated as follows: The father fastened his hands and legs and laid him face down upon his forehead to be sacrificed. God the Exalted declared, “And when they had both submitted and he put him down upon his forehead” [Qurʾan 37:103]. He placed the knife on the son’s nape and pushed it, but the knife turned upside down. Abraham wondered, and then the son said, “Why do you

23 For black and white reproductions of this illustration, see Swietochowski, “Development of traditions,” fig. 4; and Sims & Stanley, “Illustrations of Baghdad 282,” 227, pl. 23.1.

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

151

postpone it?” Abraham said, “I saw a strange thing. The knife turned upside down.” The son said, “You are mistaken.” Again, he attempted. The Almighty God sent Gabriel to bring a kabash (i.e. a two-years-old ram) from Paradise: a white sheep with black eyes, four black legs and big horns. Gabriel, holding the kabash, came to the mountain and stood. Abraham placed the knife on the son’s neck and pushed it with greater pressure, but the knife folded in two, and would not cut. Abraham wondered [Painting in Hazine 1653 and the dispersed manuscript] and the son said, “Why do you postpone it? I am afraid that we would disobey.” When Abraham repaired the knife and placed it again on the son’s neck, God the Exalted revealed: “You have fulfilled the vision” [Qurʾan 37:105]. The story of Abraham’s sacrifice is not narrated in the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh. Rashid al-Din provided a few sentences in the pre-Islamic section of his book concerning this tale: Most of the Muslims believe that it was Ishmael who was sacrificed. The People of scripture (ahl-i kitab) and some of the grandees of Muslims say that the sacrificed was Isaac. The story of sacrifice and its reason is well known and it is recorded in the glorious Qurʾan. And God knows best.24 In contrast to the Islamic theology, and based on his Jewish sources, Rashid al-Din in the subchapter on the Israelites’ history mentions that it was Isaac who was sacrificed. He has briefly recorded: God tested Abraham with the sacrifice, and Abraham hastened to do it. He brought Isaac to the location, put his face on the ground, and attempted to slash him with a knife in order to do the command of God. The angel called Abraham from heaven, ‘Do not injure Isaac, because the strength of your faith appeared.’ Abraham raised his head and saw a ram with large horns. He took it and sacrificed him for God instead of Isaac.25 Since a detailed account of this story is not presented in Rashid al-Din’s book, this episode is not illustrated in any of the surviving copies of the 24 Hazine 1654, fol. 6b. Compare with Or.MS 20, fol. 4a. 25 Hazine 1654, fol. 277b. Compare with the Khalili fragment of the Arabic codex, fol. 47a (fol. 287a of the reconstructed manuscript).

152

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

Jamiʿ al-tawarikh. Perhaps the earliest extant Islamic painting depicting the sacrifice of Abraham is a miniature in an album in the Topkapı Sarayı Library (Hazine 2153, fol. 119) that can be attributed to the end of the fourteenth century.26 Ishmael lies on the ground in the lower right corner of the picture, while Abraham holds the son’s head with his left hand and draws a knife over his throat with the right hand. Abraham, turning his head, looks towards the flying angel, who wears a golden crown and holds a black ram in his hands. The earliest dated depiction of the sacrificial scene can be found in the Lisbon anthology of Iskandar Sultan (vol. 2, fol. 328b).27 The painting is relatively large and fills the central and marginal panel of the written surface (fig. 20). Abraham, Ishmael, Gabriel and the ram are depicted in the lower half of the painting. The archangel Gabriel with six multi-coloured wings stands on the left. He is dressed in an orange under-garment and a violet robe both gilded with subtle motifs. One of his wings is cut across by the picture frame on the left. The direction of his hands indicates movement to the sacrificial scene. The white ram with large black horns in the lower left corner runs towards Abraham and Ishmael. On the right, an oxidized silvery river is shown in front of Abraham and Ishmael. The white-bearded Abraham wears a white turban in the form of taht al-hanak and a light-blue robe. His right hand draws a large knife over Ishmael’s throat, while his left hand holds the hair of the blindfolded son. Ishmael, who wears a brown robe with a green long-sleeved under-garment, is kneeling, with outstretched hands, indicating the sense of surrender. The entire background is filled with imaginary depiction of golden patterns of flames or clouds. Four winged angels appear among the golden motifs on the upper part of the composition. The sacrifice of Abraham received much attention in Shahrukh’s kitabkhana. It was illustrated in three extant historical manuscripts: the Kulliyat-i tarikhi, Hazine 1653 and the dispersed manuscript. All three illustrations in these manuscripts follow the iconographic pattern of the miniature in the Iskandar anthology. The painting in the Kulliyat-i tarikhi has a squarish appearance and is located at the bottom of folio 35b.28 The gestures of Abraham, Ishmael, Gabriel and the ram are almost identical to the painting in the Iskandar anthology.

26 For the monochrome reproduction of the painting, see İpşiroğlu, Malerei der Mongolen, fig. 25; and Gutmann, “Sacrifice of Abraham,” fig. 4. 27 Thompson, Illustrations, pl. xliv; Grube, World of Islam, 90, no. 53; Okasha, Muslim painter and the divine, 69, no. 14; and Gutmann, “Sacrifice of Abraham,” fig. 1. 28 For reproductions of the painting, see Swietochowski, “Development of traditions,” fig. 6; Grube & Sims, “Painting,” 207; Tanındı, “Illustrated historical texts,” fig. 2; Inal, “Miniatures in historical manuscripts,” fig. 9; and Gutmann, “Sacrifice of Abraham,” fig. 2.

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

153

Figure 20 “Abraham sacrifices his son,” detail of folio 328b from Iskandar Sultan anthology, opaque watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Shiraz, dated 1411. Calouste Gulbenkian Museum, Lisbon, accession number: MS. L.A. 161, vol. 2

Instead of the four angels in the Lisbon anthology, here a poplar tree in the centre of picture has divided the scene into two parts. The prophet and the angel have flaming haloes against a vast background of flat gold. Abraham’s blue robe and Ishmael’s brown one in the Iskandar anthology have here been reversed. The angel has six multi-coloured wings. The banks of a silvery river are still visible on the lower left and right corners of the picture. The painting in Hazine 1653 has become more mundane and the golden background of the earlier miniatures has here been replaced with spongy rocks below a blue sky. The reason for the depiction of the rocks can be found in Hafiz-i Abru’s text, where he argues that the episode took place on the top of a mountain. The ground and the river of earlier depictions have been omitted. The gestures of Abraham, Ishmael, Gabriel and the ram are still similar to the precedent paintings, but all have here been depicted on the bottom edge of the picture frame and thus the composition appears extremely flat. The prophet and the angel have golden flaming haloes. Gabriel is attired in a long green under-garment and a short orange robe. He has two multi-coloured wings. Abraham, wearing a robe coloured green, is portrayed black-bearded.

154

Cat. 5-1

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

“Abraham sacrifices his son,” detail of folio 35b from a copy of the Majmaʿ altawarikh, opaque watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Herat, ca. 1428. Topkapı Sarayı Library (Hazine 1653) photo by Courtesy of the Topkapı Sarayı Library

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

Cat. 5-2

155

“Abraham sacrifices his son,” a folio from the dispersed manuscript of universal history, opaque watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Herat, ca. 1428. Walters Art Museum, Baltimore MD, accession number: W.676Aa

156

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

The ram has white horns, and in accordance with Hafiz-i Abru’s text, it is depicted with black feet. Persumably, the painting in the dispersed manuscript and that in Hazine 1653 were worked by different artists. The spongy bright blue rocks of Hazine 1653, in the dispersed copy are depicted with more flowing lines in light violet and grayish shades. Unlike other paintings in the “historical style,” there is a clear attempt to represent the rocks in a three dimensional way. Two tree trunks grow from the hilltops on both sides of the sacrificial scene. The ram is not located between Gabriel and Ishmael but runs in front of the angel, while having a golden bell hung around his neck. By depicting the angel behind the ram, the flatness of the composition has been reduced. Since the horns of the ram are black and its feet are white, it appears more similar to the paintings in the Iskandar anthology and the Kulliyat-i tarikhi. The turban of the black-bearded prophet is surrounded by a golden halo of flames. Abraham’s green robe and Ishmael’s brown garment in Hazine 1653 have here been reversed. The gestures of Abraham and Ishmael are almost identical to the earlier paintings, but here for the first time the feet of Ishmael appear. Gabriel with two multi-coloured wings is attired in a green long-sleeved robe and a pinkish short over-garment. He is depicted as far as possible in the upper part of the picture, and for this reason, his halo has been omited. The lapis lazuli colour of the sky envelops the whole body of Abraham and Ishmael. This indicates a sense of sanctity that is reminicent of the paintings in the Paris Miʿrajnama. 6

Cat. 6: The Prophet Jacob and His Twelve Sons

After the stories of Abraham, the next subchapter of the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh is devoted to Abraham’s children. It consists of two accounts, the second of which deals with the history of Jacob and his family. This account starts with the ill feeling of Esau towards Jacob. According to of his mother’s suggestion, Jacob went to the Levant and married his uncle’s two daughters: Leah and Rachel. Both daughters also offered their handmaids to Jacob. The four women gave birth to twelve sons. After living for a period of twenty-one years in exile, Jacob with his family came back to Canaan. Jacob’s older sister, who was alone, asked him to give her one of his children. With her own choice, she took Jacob’s dearest son, Joseph. After two years, Jacob, who could not bear being separated from Joseph, told his sister to give him back. With a trick, the sister kept Joseph for two more years. A painting in Hazine 1653 is located between the following sentences:

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

157

Two years later, she died and Jacob took Joseph. Joseph was dearer to Jacob than the other children were. It was until Joseph reached the age of twelve. [Painting] In the glorious Qurʾan, no story has been narrated in the entire of a sura except for the sura of Yusuf that consists of one hundred eleven verses and these verses are about the stories of Jacob and his sons. Hafiz-i Abru continues his text by mentioning some different narrations concerning the reason for the revelation of the sura of Yusuf. Afterwards, the story of Joseph begins with his well-known dream. The painting in Hazine 1653 portrays Jacob and his twelve sons all seated on a yellow carpet with a brownish margin in front of a white wall adorned by red curtains. The composition occupies eleven lines of the text in the upper part of the written area. There are two lines of the text above the illustration and twenty-two lines below. Two lines of the text are transcribed in vertical format on the right margin of the page, starting from the middle of the page towards the bottom. On the left, another marginal line of the text starts from the middle towards the top. Transcribed by the hand of Hafiz-i Abru, their text is a completion of the main text. At the time of remargination, the marginal texts were ruled inside the written surface and thus the text area has a stepped composition. Jacob and Joseph sit facing each other in the centre of the picture. The white-bearded Jacob squats on a red mattress, which is depicted below a pillow. Seven brothers of Joseph are seated behind him on the left and four of them squat behind Jacob on the far right. They are dressed in long-sleeved robes and white turbans. Five of the brothers are black-bearded and the rest are beardless. The hands of six of them as well as both hands of Jacob point towards the twelve years old joseph. The blue colour of Joseph’s garment is more saturated than the costume colouration of the other personages. This saturation is even more emphasised by depicting Joseph in front of a yellow carpet. Compared with the other personages, the cherry-lipped Joseph is depicted smaller. The colouration and motifs of the carpet closely resemble the Jalayirid carpets in Hazine 1654, especially those illustrations on folios 219b, 237b, 242b, 338b and 339a.29 Above the personages, a red curtain stresses the symmetry of the composition. Perhaps the most remarkable feature of this illustration in Hazine 1653 that makes it 29 Four of these images are published by Jahn, Rashīd-al-Dīn’s history of India, 71 (fol. 338b), 72 (fol. 339a); and Ibid., Geschichte der Oġuzen, pl. 2 (fol. 237b), pl. 16 (fol. 242b).

158

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

dissimilar from Persian painting of the fifteenth century is the use of highly bright and saturated colours. No Islamic painting depicting Jacob and all his sons before the mid-fifteenth century is known to us. A miniature in the Arabic codex now in the Khalili Collection (fol. 47b) and a Shahrukhi painting in Hazine 1654 (fol. 278b) depict episodes of Jacob’s life. Both images illustrate the subsection on the Israelite history. The painting in the Arabic codex is located in the middle of a sentence reporting how God bestowed on Jacob eleven sons and a girl in a period of seven years and that he lived for ninety years. The text follows with a list of his children, and the next sentences deals with Jacob’s separation from his father-in-law, and the ill feeling of Esau towards him. Almighty God sent an angel to announce Jacob’s victory over his brother. The angel embraced Jacob and prayed for him.30 The painting in Hazine 1654 is placed after the sentence concerning the hugging of Jacob and the angel. The tripartite composition of the illustration in the Arabic copy portrays Jacob, his two wives and three of his sons.31 The central panel is occupied by a hanging curtain between two columns. In the left compartment, Jacob is seated on a chair in front of his sons. His wives, Leah and Rachel squat on the ground facing each other on the right. The painting in Hazine 1654, which is worked in Shahrukh’s kitabkhana, presumably covers a Jalayirid miniature.32 Jacob and the angel, embracing each other, stand in the centre of a hilly landscape. On both sides of the picture, two trees fill the empty spaces. Two more paintings from the Jalayirid period in the pre-Islamic section of Hazine 1654 show Jacob. The first illustration on folio 7b shows four of Jacob’s sons bringing Joseph’s shirt stained with false blood to their father. On the right, Jacob is seated on a carpet in a landscape, and in the centre, the four sons stand in front of their father. The second illustration is a small painting squashed into the lower left corner of folio 9a. It portrays the last episode of the story of Joseph, the encounter of Jacob and his family with Joseph and grandees of Egypt. On the right, Joseph and seven of his companions are on horseback. They encounter Jacob and seven members of his family who stand before Joseph. Anyway, the Shahrukhi painting in Hazine 1653 depicts a different scene from those Jamiʿ al-tawarikh illustrations. It focuses on Joseph’s superiority 30 Hazine 1654, fol. 278a-b; and the Arabic fragment in the Khalili collection, fol. 47b (fol. 287b of the reconstructed manuscript). 31 Reproduced by Blair, Compendium of chronicles, fig. 46. 32 For reproduction of this painting in Hazine 1654, see Jahn, Die Geschichte der Kinder Israels, pl. 14.

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

Cat. 6

159

“The prophet Jacob and his twelve sons,” detail of folio 38b from a copy of the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh, opaque watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Herat, ca. 1428. Topkapı Sarayı Library (Hazine 1653) photo by Courtesy of the Topkapı Sarayı Library

160

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

over the other sons of Jacob, and thus illustrates the turning point in which the story of Jacob ends and the tale of Joseph as “the best of stories” starts. Meaningfully, selection of this episode for illustration recalls Shahrukh’s accession to the throne as the youngest son of Timur. 7

Cat. 7: Joseph before the Women of Egypt

While no depiction of Joseph in the dispersed copy is known to us, the Topkapı manuscript has one more illustration of an episode of his life. The painting is placed in an account titled, “The tale of Joseph and Zulaykha.” The story starts with Zulaykha’s love for Joseph and her attempts to seduce him. Joseph’s refusal heightened her passion and thus she tried to get him to fornicate with her, but he escaped from her. As he moved to the door to escape, Zulaykha grabbed him and tore his shirt. They met Zulaykha’s husband, ʿAziz by the door. Zulaykha’s cousin as a witness testified that she was sinful. The women of Egypt began to tell tales about her having fallen in love with Joseph and reproached her for seeking to seduce her slave boy. When the news of their whispering reached Zulaykha, she wanted to show them how beautiful and desirable Joseph was. The illustrated episode is narrated as follows: Of the wives of grandees of Egypt, there were five women who were attendants of Zulaykha and even had claims of equality: the wives of chef, wine butler, treasurer, gatekeeper and gendarme. They considered her infatuation with Joseph inappropriate and taunted her.… Zulaykha invited the women and put into the hands of each of them an orange and a knife, and summoned Joseph into her audience.… As he arrived in their presence, the women were so entranced by his beauty that they cut their hands instead of the fruits without feeling that they had cut their hands, and like Zulaykha, they fell in love with the youth Joseph. It is narrated that when Zulaykha invited the five women, she had commanded to bring five silver couches for them. When they sat, she sent for each of them a golden tray in each tray an orange and a knife. When they began cutting their fruit, she commanded Joseph (pbuh) to be brought. [Painting] When they looked up and saw him, they were infatuated such that they cut their hands with the knives without noticing. Zulaykha seeing them do so smiled happily. When Joseph arose, they found that they had cut their hands. Zulaykha said to them, “This is the one for whom you

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

161

have blamed me.” They said, “Hearing is not like seeing. We have only heard about goodness and beauty of Joseph and we reproached you because of your extreme affection.” The composition of the painting in Hazine 1653 was based on a miniature in the Kulliyat-i tarikhi. The latter illustration with its squarish appearance is placed on the top of folio 41a.33 The scene, which takes place in open space of a courtyard, shows Joseph, Zulaykha and six of her companions. The lower half of the picture is paved with hexagonal tiles in grayish-turquoise. In the upper part, the trunk of an old tree, a blossoming tree, and some flowery bushes are depicted against a background of gold. The white blossoms of the tree can be seen in direct relation with the lyrical theme of the picture. The courtyard is separated from the plants with the parallel red lines of the railing. The gold colour of the sky has been extended into the bottom through an entrance portal on the far left where Joseph comes into the scene. The turbaned Joseph wears a green under-garment and a light green robe bound at the waist by a red belt studded with a golden plaque. He holds a golden set of ewer and basin in his hands. On the right, Zulaykha is seated on a mattress. In the centre of the composition, six women, sitting on the revetment tiles, turn their heads towards Joseph. Four of them, who are seated in the first row close to Zulaykha, hold oranges and knives in their hands. In front of each woman of the first row, a golden tray is depicted. Unlike the earlier depiction in the Kulliyat-i tarikhi, the painting in Hazine 1653 shows the interior space of Zulaykha’s chamber. The gestures of the personages and their location in the composition resemble the earlier illustration. Joseph stands in front of an entrance portal with pointed arch. Above the portal an inscription in white thulth against blue reads:

‫د � [��ا �ش��د ک �ز‬ ‫ت‬ ‫��ه ا رح�م�� ب��ه رو�ی‬ ‫ری ب‬ ‫خ ق گ‬ ‫ش‬ ]‫��ا ی�ی‬ � �‫��ل� ب‬

‫ت �ز‬ ‫��ه �ا �ز �آ � ��د � ن‬ ‫ی� خ�و ب�ی‬ ‫�و ا �هر د ر ک ب یی ب‬ ‫و �ز ی�ب��ا ی�ی‬

From every door that you come in with your goodness and beauty, [It would be] a door [that you open to people with your mercy].

33 Reproduced by Swietochowski, “Development of traditions,” fig. 5; Titley, Persian miniature, fig. 25; Robinson, “Zenith of his time,” fig. 16; Inal, “Miniatures in historical manuscripts,” fig. 8; and Milstein, La Bible dans l’art islamique, fig. 21.

162

Cat. 7

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

“Joseph before the women of Egypt,” detail of folio 41b from a copy of the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh, opaque watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Herat, ca. 1428. Topkapı Sarayı Library (Hazine 1653) photo by Courtesy of the Topkapı Sarayı Library

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

163

The poem is the beginning misraʿ and the first word of the second misraʿ of a ghazal by Saʿdi concerning the beauties of Joseph. Behind the portal, there is a curtain in red and pink. The interior is characterized by a wall decorated with blue revetment tiles, a large hanging adorned curtain in pink and a floor paved with porphyry. Joseph is dressed in a long violet under-garment and a short robe in green with golden motifs. Zulaykha, who has a golden crown, is seated on a throne. The number of the women has here been reduced to four, all wearing a white headscarf. Joseph, Zulaykha and two of the women have beauty spots next to their lips. Instead of four empty trays in the earlier painting, here a bowl filled with oranges is depicted. A significant deviation between the text and illustration in both the Kulliyat-i tarikhi and Hazine 1653 is the number of women accompanying Zulaykha. Although the texts of both manuscripts emphasise that they were five people,34 in the Kulliyat-i tarikhi six women and in Hazine 1653 four women have been depicted. 8

Cat. 8: The Prophet Job’s Distress

After the story of Joseph, the next account of the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh deals with the prophet Job (Ayyub). The narrative begins with the genealogies of the prophet, his wife and his mother. Hafiz-i Abru says that God afflicted him with such a suffering, which no one had been afflicted with before. He was very rich and at first, his wealth, consisting of numerous herds, livestock, gold and silver, was taken away from him. Moreover, a wall collapsed on his children and they died. However, he remained steadfast in his thankfulness and worship of God, and finally, he lost his health. The text describes Job’s illness as follows: One day, when he was praying in the adytum (mihrab), his feet were inflamed and then all of his body became swollen and painful. From his head to toenails, there was not a part without being painful. For this reason, he lived motionless for eight months. Despite all the suffering, Job remained strong in his faith and acted in the same manner as he did when he was healthy. His disease made it hard to breathe, and his body was infected by worms. The people deserted him. [Painting] 34 Bağdat 282, fol. 40b; and Hazine 1653, fol. 41a.

164

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

And only his kind wife, Rahima, stayed with him. The people used to say her, “How much inconvenience can you endure? Divorce him.” However, she answered, “I was at the time of ease with him. It is not humane that at the time of distress I leave him alone.” She served as much as she could. From the Prophet Muhammad (pbuh), it has been narrated that Job’s disease lasted for eighteen years. His situation was so that people deported him from his location, fearing his disease to be contagious, and kept away from him. They abstained from visiting him, and even his close relatives and friends deserted him. They wrapped him in a Kilim and took him out of his village. The prophet called to his Lord, “Indeed, distress has seized me, and Thou art Most Merciful of all who show mercy.” Gabriel came and ordered him to strike the ground with his foot. When he struck the ground, a fountain appeared beneath his foot. He washed his head and body in the water and all of his sores were healed. He was restored to prosperity, with twice as much as he had before. While this account in Hazine 1653 remains unillustrated, a simple composition in the dispersed manuscript portrays Job’s disease. The prophet, lying on a yellow mattress and a grayish-green pillow, gazes at the lapis lazuli sky in a hilly landscape. The black bearded Job is depicted thin and bald-headed. His feet lie inside something like sleeping bag, while the upper part of his body is naked. The great leaves of a tree, which grows from the right side of the composition, provide a shelter for the prophet. The artist was clearly concerned with threedimensional representation of the leaves. An oxidized silvery river is painted in the lower right corner of the picture, and several flowery bushes fill empty spaces here and there. Job’s distress was also designated for illustration in the manuscripts produced for Rashid al-Din. Among those codices of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh produced at the Rabʿ-i Rashidi, the story of Job only survives in folios 9a–10b of Hazine 1654. The clumsily executed painting on folio 9b was worked in the Jalayirid period. The prophet lies on the ground in the centre of the composition beside a blossoming tree. Job’s only garment is white trousers. His body is infected by wounds and worms. His wife stands on the right and gazes at the prophet. The hilly landscape is characterized by two palm trees, a cypress tree and some other plant species in different shades of pale green. The story that Rashid al-Din has narrated differs with that of Hafiz-i Abru in some details. Although Rashid al-Din’s text does not mention the healing water of the fountain, the painting depicts a spring below the prophet with two ducks swimming

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

Cat. 8

165

“The prophet Job lying under a tree,” page from an Illustrated manuscript of the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh, opaque watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Herat, ca. 1428. Sheet: 330 × 430 mm, Brooklyn Museum, Hagop Kevorkian Fund, accession number: 88.27 Photo: Brooklyn Museum

166

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

in it. Most likely, Job’s distress was also illustrated in the Arabic codex, but the relevant folio is now missing.35 9

Cat. 9: Moses Prevails over Pharaoh

The subchapter on the life of Moses is divided into eleven accounts (zikr). In Hazine 1653, three of them are illustrated, while in the dispersed copy, four depictions of Moses are known to us. The first illustrated account is titled “Moses’ coming to Egypt and delivering the message to Pharaoh”, which is only visualized in the dispersed manuscript. This long account starts with the arrival of Moses in Egypt and his intention to meet Pharaoh and deliver a divine message to him. Hafiz-i Abru has mentioned some different narratives concerning how Moses and his brother Aaron entered the court of Pharaoh. Moses found Pharaoh’s throne with “forty cubits width and inlaid with pearls and jewelries, while a branch of the Nile River was flowing beneath it.” When Pharaoh saw Moses, he asked him, “Who gave you permission to come inside and for what have you come in?” Moses said, “I am the messenger of the Lord of the worlds. He has sent me to you to invite you to believe in Him.” After a long conversation, Pharaoh pointed towards his servants to capture Moses. When they wanted to take Moses, he threw his rod, and it turned an enormous dragon (azhdaha), intending to swallow Pharaoh and his throne. The attendants fled in fear. Pharaoh was so terrified that he fell down from the throne, and his garment stuck in the throne’s angle, dangling him upside down. Moses (pbuh) put his hand inside his cloak. When he took it out his hand shone like the sun.

35 The contents of the missing text in the Arabic copy are the end of the story of Joseph and the first half of the story of Job. The gap comprises approximately fifty-four lines of the text in Hazine 1654 (fols. 8b–9a). In addition to these fifty-four lines, there are two paintings within the text in Hazine 1654: “The encounter of Jacob and his family with Joseph and the grandees of Egypt” (fol. 9a) and “The prophet Job’s distress” (fol. 9b). Thus, it can be stated that a folio of the Edinburgh fragment between the current folios 5 and 6 is missing. Since each folio of the Arabic copy has thirty-five lines of the text, and here about fifty-four lines of Hazine 1654 are missing, it can be supposed that perhaps the missing folio of the Arabic codex had been illustrated with two paintings. This folio was dropped before pagination of the manuscript in seventeenth-century India, because it is not included in Blair’s list of the missing folios of the codex (Compendium of chronicles, appendix ii, 118).

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

167

After the above description of the episode of Moses’ stick turning into a dragon, the text continues with another alternative version of the story as well as a detailed report of the conversation between Moses and Pharaoh, and then, the illustration of the dispersed copy is placed within the following sentences: Moses threw his rod, and it became an enormous serpent (mar) as was mentioned before. Pharaoh fell down from the throne and went underneath it. He had diarrhea for a week, [Painting] although he remained for a week without seeking the privy [meaning the latrine]. So because of this reason he had been arrogant, saying, “I am god.” Therefore, he called Moses from underneath the throne and asked him to remove the serpent from the court so they could think about his talk. The story continues with detailed narrations concerning the competition of Moses and the magicians. Apparently, the abridged version of the encounter of Moses with Pharaoh in the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh manuscripts was not designated for illustration.36 The earliest surviving depiction of this episode in Islamic art is a painting in a copy of Balʿami’s history now in the Freer and Sackler Galleries (vol. 1, F57.16, fol. 54b).37 Teresa Fitzherbert’s study demonstrates that presumably this manuscript was produced in Jazira under Ilkhanid rule in the early fourteenth century.38 The horizontal composition represents Pharaoh underneath his throne on the left. Depicted in profile view, Moses stands on the right and gazes at a quadrupedal dragon, which is shown in the centre against a red background. Aaron, at his brother’s back, clutches Moses’ upper arm with his left hand. One of the servants of Pharaoh stands behind the throne on the far left. Moses’ right hand was originally painted silver, now oxidized, as one of his signs of prophethood. It seems that the iconographic pattern of the Freer illustration was followed in two depictions of this episode in the Kulliyat-i tarikhi and the dispersed manuscript. In both paintings, Pharaoh’s throne is placed on the left, the dragon in the centre, and the prophet on the far right. The picture frame in the painting of the Kulliyat-i tarikhi has been extended into the margin on

36 Hazine 1654, fol. 11b; and Or.MS 20, fol. 7a. 37 For a detailed study of the manuscript and reproduction of its paintings, see Fitzherbert, “Balʿami’s Tabari.” 38 Ibid., 315–54.

168

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

the right.39 Pharaoh’s golden throne in the upper left corner is also expanded into the margin and thus the composition is not rectangular. Pharaoh stands on the left corner of his throne with upraised hands as a sign of fear. Four of his servants stand behind his throne. In front of the throne, three of the wizards fall in prostration before a dragon and the prophet. The quadrupedal dragon spits fire towards Pharaoh at the bottom of the image. On the far right, Moses, who gazes at Pharaoh, wears a long-sleeved robe in green and a shawl in light green. The landscape in characterized by a plain hill filled with rhythmic depiction of tufts of grass against a blue sky. A large area of the image space in the centre remains empty. The figure of the turbaned Moses in the dispersed manuscript is cut across by the picture frame on the right. Before Moses, a semi-serpent dragon with two feet spits fire towards Pharaoh. The latter, who is dressed in a tri-lobed golden crown, has fallen behind his throne. His left hand points towards the dragon. The plain throne with a blue mattress and a yellow pillow is cut across by the picture frame on the left and bottom. In the centre, a red railing is stretched across the width of the written surface. Behind the railing, a detail of a plane tree and a flower are depicted against a background in gold. Although the fourteenth-century depiction in the Balʿami’s history shows both miracles of the prophet simultaneously, the Shahrukhi artists did not portray the luminous hand of Moses. The painting in the Kulliyat-i tarikhi includes the competition between Moses and the magicians, and thus the number of human being has been considerably increased. However, the illustration in the dispersed manuscript represents the minimum number of personages, because the text reports that all the attendants fled in fear. 10

Cat. 10: Moses and the Israelites Watch the Egyptians Drown in the Sea

The second account on the stories of Moses in the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh is also illustrated in the dispersed manuscript, while it is not illustrated in Hazine 1653. The account starts with God’s command to Moses to bring out the children of Israel from Egypt at night. The following day, three hundred thousand Coptic horsem*n departed to pursue them. When the children of Israel saw Pharaoh and his army behind them, they said to Moses, “You have destroyed us. Now we are indeed caught.” Moses said, “Nothing of what you fear will happen to 39 Reproduced by Grube, Miniature Islamiche, pl. 64B; Grube et al., Islamic painting, no. 73; and Grube & Sims, “School of Herat,” 146.

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

Cat. 9

“Moses prevailing over Pharaoh,” a folio from the dispersed manuscript of the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh, opaque watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Herat, ca. 1428. Minneapolis Institute of Art, Bequest of Mrs. Margaret McMillan Webber in memory of her mother, Katherine Kittredge McMillan, accession number: 51.37.25. 428 × 333 mm (sheet), 338 × 227 mm (image) Photo: Minneapolis Institute of Art

169

170

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

you, for God is the One Who commanded me to bring you here.” Gabriel came to Moses and ordered him to smite the sea with his stick. When he did so, the sea parted into twelve paths, each one for each of the descendant tribes (sibt). When Pharaoh’s army reached the beach, Moses and his people had passed over the water. The illustrated episode of the story is reported as follows: When Moses and his people crossed the sea, with the command of the Almighty God, the water was still raised up so that Pharaoh and all of his army entered the sea. The decree of “We saved Moses” appeared in the rescue of the friends and destruction of the enemy; and all were drowned. God the Exalted said, “Then We drowned the others” [Qurʾan 26:65–66]. [Painting] It is narrated that at the time of drowning, Pharaoh cried out amidst the water with a loud voice, “I believe that there is no deity except that in whom the Children of Israel believe, and I am of the Muslims” [Qurʾan 10:90]. Gabriel feared that Pharaoh would repeat that talk and the Almighty God would forgive him and would accept his repentance. Thus, he cut out a piece of clay from the bottom of the sea, and thrust into Pharaoh’s mouth. The composition of the illustration in the dispersed copy is closely based on the earlier depiction of this episode in the Arabic codex.40 Currently, the painting in the Arabic copy is squeezed in at the bottom of folio 8b of the Edinburgh fragment. Careful scrutiny of the Arabic codex shows that this illustration originally was located on the recto of this folio.41 On the right, sixteen personages as well as six horses are drowning in the sea, and on the left, six personages stand on the beach (fig. 21). Moses, who has a gold-rayed halo around his head, is dressed in a blue robe and an ochreous cloak hanging from the top of his turban. His right hand points towards the sea and his left hand holds a dragon-headed rod. In the Islamic view, Moses’ staff, which is said to 40 For detailed studies on the illustrations of Moses in the Arabic version of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh, see Natif, “Rashīd al-Dīn’s alter ego,” and Hillenbrand, “Holy figures.” I am grateful to Robert Hillenbrand for dispatching the earliest draft of his paper. 41 As I examined the Edinburgh fragment of the Arabic codex, it became clear that the recto and verso of seven folios (fols. 5–11) have been replaced. Since the original binding of the manuscript had been removed, its folios were loose. This should have occurred before addition of the Persian glosses to the margins in seventeenth-century India. Sheila Blair also informs us that one of the folios of the Khalili fragment (fol. 284) was paginated on the wrong side. The Indian scribe has corrected his error by crossing out the number, turning the folio over, and rewriting of the number on the reverse. Blair, Compendium of chronicles, 32.

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

171

have come from paradise and to have served several prophets before Moses, has a great importance.42 Aaron and four men of the Israelites stand behind Moses. The blue waves of the sea occupy two thirds of the composition from the upper to the lower margin. In the middle of the sea, Pharaoh, wearing a golden tri-lobed crown, has raised his right hand towards Moses in supplication. The person behind him, presumably his vizier Haman, wears a Mongol helmet in gold. The drowning troops of Pharaoh’s army are shown with strong facial expressions. One of them, for example, pulls the beard of other one, and another person tries to mount over the head his adjacent soldier. The most notable feature of depictions of this episode in both the Arabic codex and the dispersed manuscript is the halo depicted for Moses that can be interpreted as the light of prophecy (nur al-nubuwwa).43 Among all 162 securely documented illustrations surviving from the Rabʿ-i Rashidi, this is the only case of depiction of a halo of holiness.44 None of the images of other prophets – even the Prophet Muhammad – has such a halo. Thus, the painting is extremely meaningful for its patron, Rashid al-Din, who was born into a Persian Jewish family and converted to Islam around the age of thirty.45 It is not surprising to note that none of other illustrations of the prophets in the

Figure 21 “Moses and the Israelites watch the Egyptians drown in the sea,” detail of folio 8b from the Arabic copy of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh, watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Tabriz, dated 1314. Edinburgh University Library, accession number: Or.MS 20 42 Milstein, “Iconography of Moses,” 202. 43 For a discussion of light in Islamic painting, see Milstein, “Light, fire and the sun.” 44 These 162 illustrations are three in Hazine 1654, sixty-nine in Hazine 1653, seventy in the Edinburgh fragment and twenty in the Khalili fragment. 45 For Rashid al-Din’s Jewish background, see Fischel, Jews, 118–25; Idem, “Über Raschid ad-Daula;” Netzer, “Rashīd al-Dīn;” and Morgan, “Ras̱hīd al-Dīn.”

172

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

Majmaʿ al-tawarikh manuscripts has such a great fiery halo, which surrounds the entire of Moses’ body. Rachel Milstein has connected this new Islamic symbol of sanctity and prophecy with the “Christian mandorla or even more so, with the Buddhist light of the divine.”46 Compared with its prototype, the height of the painting in the dispersed manuscript has been considerably increased. The sea in a triangular form occupies half of the picture in the lower right corner. Moses stands on the bank in a gesture similar to the prototype image. His stick has here been omitted and his fiery halo is shown with golden flames surrounding his entire body. The top of his flaming halo has been extended beyond the picture frame. He is depicted remarkably larger than the other personages. Eight of the Israelites, all wearing turbans, stand behind Moses. Pharaoh and thirteen of his followers as well as five horses are engulfed in the now oxidized silvery sea. By cutting picture frame with the drowning figures and the Israelites on the left, right and bottom, the painter confronts us with a limited section of the scene. The depictions of nearly all the drowning personages are based on the prototype. In contrast to the painting in the Arabic codex, here the event takes place in a hilly landscape below a lapis lazuli sky. In the centre of the picture, a tree with a few leaves grows from the bank. Since the text above the painting in the Arabic codex emphasises the names of Pharaoh’s vizier, Haman and Moses’ brother Aaron, the spectator can guess that the closest person behind Pharaoh can be his vizier, and the figure behind Moses is Aaron. However, this matter does not occur in the illustration of the dispersed folio, because the name of Aaron is not included in the text above the painting. Moreover, Hafiz-i Abru’s text reports that Haman from the edge of the sea returned and ruled over Egypt for seven years. For the last example of depicting the episode of the drowning of Pharaoh, a Jalayirid miniature in Hazine 1654 (fol. 12a) can be mentioned that represents a different scene from the above discussed pictures. It portrays Moses, Gabriel, Pharaoh and three of his troops. The landscape is characterized by a horizontal river stretching across the left and right margins. On both sides of the river, several flowery bushes are depicted. On its upper side, some trees are shown in a hilly landscape against a blue sky. Moses on horseback is crossing the river in the upper left. Although Rashid al-Din does not mention the narrative of thrusting a piece of clay into Pharaoh’s mouth by Gabriel,47 the painting illustrates this episode. On the right, Pharaoh and his retinue are drawn bareheaded. Gabriel with a golden crown, two multi-coloured wings, and a long 46 Milstein, “Iconography of Moses,” 210. 47 Hazine 1654, fols. 11b–12a, 282a.

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

Cat. 10

173

“Moses and the Israelites watch the Egyptians drown in the sea,” a folio from the dispersed manuscript of universal history, opaque watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Herat, ca. 1428. Sheet dimensions: 428 × 308 mm. The Keir Collection of Islamic Art on loan to the Dallas Museum of Art, accession no. K.1.2014.8

174

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

robe in orange is depicted upside-down. He thrusts a piece of clay into mouth of the black-bearded Pharaoh. 11

Cat. 11: Moses Orders the Israelites to Sacrifice a Cow

The seventh account in the stories of Moses, “The corpse that was found among the Israelites,” carries the first depiction of Moses in Hazine 1653. The story, which is also found in the Qurʾan’s longest sura (al-Baqara), begins with the murder of a rich man by his two nephews in Egypt. They cast the corpse of their uncle between two villages, and went to Moses to complain against the people of those villages. Moses interrogated the people, but to no outcome. For a long time they fought against each other and some people got killed. When the quarrel was prolonged, they asked Moses to pray to God to find the murderer. Moses instructed them to slaughter a cow and to strike the dead man with its tongue. Instead of following his direction, they asked him many questions about the features of the cow such as its colour. Moses said, “Its colour is intensely yellow – pleasing to the observers.” They went out in search of such a cow and found one owned by a woman who had an orphaned youth. They asked her to sell the cow, but she told that she would sell it for a thousand dirhams. They came back to Moses for consultation and Moses ordered them to buy it at any price. When they returned to the woman, she said, “This time, it costs two thousand dirhams.” Again, they avoided buying it and asked Moses one more question about it. The continuation of the story, which is illustrated, is as follows: Moses (pbuh) said, “He says, ‘It is a cow neither trained to plow the earth nor to irrigate the field, one free from fault with no spot upon her’ ” [Qurʾan 2:71]. They found that the only one that matched the description was the one owned by the woman. They asked her to submit it to them but she answered, “I will not sell it for less than one hundred thousand dirams.” In some of the commentaries, it has been narrated that she said, “I will sell it, if you offered me its skin filled with gold.” [Painting] Moses ordered them to buy it on that condition and to sacrifice it. It was so difficult for them that they did not want to do it. God the Exalted declared, “So they slaughtered her, but they could hardly do it” [Qurʾan 2:71]. Thus, [God] said, “Strike the slain man with part of it” [Qurʾan 2:73].

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

175

They struck the corpse with the tongue of the cow, and then, the dead man was resurrected. They asked him who had killed him. He pointed towards his nephews. Therefore, Moses ordered equal retaliation (qisas) for both men. This episode is rarely illustrated in books on the stories of the prophets. Perhaps the intention of selecting this episode for illustration was to remind the audience of the manuscript of the outcome of their refusal to obey the divine command without questioning. The text above the illustration has also quoted a narrative from the Prophet Muhammad: “The children of Israel made it difficult for themselves [by asking so many questions thereof] and thus God made it difficult for them.” The illustration, occupying ten lines of the text, has the lowest height among the Shahrukhi paintings of Hazine 1653. This rarely seen illustrated episode of the life of Moses shows him standing on the left. He wears a brownish robe and a green cloak that hangs from the top of his turban. His left hand holds a stick and his right hand points towards the cow. Three of the Israelites stand behind Moses. The furthest left figure, who is dressed in a turban coloured green, is shown in profile view. The depiction of Moses and the Israelites is closely based on the figures of Moses, Aaron and the two men behind Aaron in the painting “Moses and the Israelites watch the Egyptians drown in the sea” from the Arabic codex (fig. 21). On the right, a yellow humped cattle with large horns and lion-like head gazes at Moses. A golden bell hangs around its neck. Its hooves are depicted outside the picture frame. The woman, wearing a blue garment and a white headscarf, stands behind the cow. Five flowery bushes are painted in empty spaces around the cow. The most remarkable feature of this painting is its colouration, because the text above it discusses the characteristics of colours. As quoted in the fourth chapter, Hafiz-i Abru characterizes yellow as the most pleasant colour. The painting represents the use of such bright colours as: yellow in the cattle and the robe of the second man from left, green in the plants and the cloaks of Moses and the person behind him, red in flowers, Moses’ stick and the robe of the figure behind Moses, white in headgears and the background, blue in the costumes of the woman and the furthest left person, and brown in the robes of Moses and the cloak of the far left figure. 12

Cat. 12: Moses and Korah

The eighth account of the stories of Moses is not only illustrated in both Hazine 1653 and the dispersed manuscript, but also it was painted in the Arabic codex and Hazine 1654. The story is about Korah (Qarun), a rich man who earned his

176

Cat. 11

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

“Moses orders the Israelites to sacrifice a cow,” detail of folio 58b from a copy of the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh, opaque watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Herat, ca. 1428. Topkapı Sarayı Library (Hazine 1653) photo by Courtesy of the Topkapı Sarayı Library

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

177

wealth by alchemy. In the words of Hafiz-i Abru, Korah disobeyed the decree of Moses to pay alms and apostatised from his religion. He displayed his adornment and glory excessively and many people wished to have the same authority and wealth. Moses advised him not to be so arrogant about his wealth, but he did not listen. Many Egyptians who were desirous of the life of the world gathered around him. It was so that Moses could bear no more, so he asked God for help. God subjugated the earth to obey Moses and thus Moses ordered it to swallow Korah. Moses said, “O earth! Seize him!” The earth beneath Korah trembled and devoured his feet up to the ankle, when he wanted to go. Korah laughed and said to Moses, “What is the magic that you have caused again?” Moses said, “O earth! Seize him!” The earth devoured his feet up to the knee. Korah said, “O Moses, tell the earth to free me, [Painting in Hazine 1653] and I will do whatever you wish.” Moses said, “O earth! Seize him!” The earth devoured him up to his neck. Korah said, “O Moses, give me respite, because of your compassion and our relationship [have mercy on me].” Moses said, “O earth! Seize him!” The earth swallowed Korah and then he disappeared. [Painting in the dispersed manuscript] Moses turned back, prayed to God, and thanked Him. The Almighty God said, “O Moses, whatever my servant, Korah implored you, you did not succour him.” He replied, “I was expecting that he would call You.” … According to another narrative, it is said that the earth swallowed Korah with seventy of his followers. It kept them up to the resurrection day, and it will deliver them to the hellfire. Some of the Israelites said that Moses commanded the earth to swallow Korah, to take away his wealth and treasures. The following day, when Moses heard that, he prayed and the Almighty God commanded the earth to devour the entire of Korah’s property and treasures. The abridged version of the story narrated by Rashid al-Din is transcribed in four lines of folio 13b in Hazine 1654 and four lines on both sides of folio 9 in the Edinburgh fragment. As outlined in the discussion of the episode of “Moses and the Israelites watch the Egyptians drown in the sea,” the recto and verso of folio 9 in the Arabic codex have been reversed. Therefore, the painting of Moses and Korah was originally placed on the verso of the folio. Rashid al-Din says that Moses cursed his cousin Korah and one hundred and fifty followers of his, to be swallowed up by the earth. The artist of the Arabic copy has

178

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

Figure 22 “Moses and Korah,” detail of folio 9a from the Arabic copy of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh, watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Tabriz, dated 1314. Edinburgh University Library, accession number: Or.MS 20

depicted Moses on the left with a dragon-headed rod in his right hand (fig. 22). The turban of the black-bearded Moses is cut across by the picture frame at the upper margin. His garment is clearly derived from those usual in Byzantine art.48 Two of his retinue, who wear turbans, stand behind him. A detail of the face of one more person can be seen in the upper left corner. On the right, Korah and twenty-one of his followers have been devoured by the earth while only their heads or heads and shoulders are visible. On the centre, Korah with his turban awry has raised his hand in supplication pointing towards Moses. Three boxes and a two-handled silvery vase symbolize Korah’s wealth. The painting in Hazine 1653 represents a simplified version of the picture in the Arabic copy. Richard Ettinghausen has noted that the number of persons in the painting of Hazine 1653 has been much reduced, but he offers no reason for this minimalistic rendition.49 In explanation of this reduction of pictorial elements, it can be mentioned that the painting illustrates a narrative reporting Moses commanded the earth to swallow Korah, and for this reason, his wealth and his retinue are not shown. Moses, who stands on the left, holds a dragon-headed rod in his right hand. Behind him, two of his followers stand facing Korah. In the centre, Korah is devoured by the earth, and on the far right, a man puts his finger in his mouth. The depiction of Korah, Moses and two 48 Rice, Illustrations to the world history, 16; and Allen, “Byzantine sources,” 126. 49 Ettinghausen, “An illuminated manuscript,” 40.

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

179

of his followers at his back are strongly based on those figures in the painting of the Arabic codex. These five personages are portrayed in a simple hilly landscape against a blue sky. The painting of the dispersed manuscript illustrates the second narrative that records the earth swallowed Korah with seventy of his retinue. A significant deviation between text and illustration is depiction of Korah’s treasures, because the text says that his treasures were devoured by the earth on the following day. The reason for depicting his treasures is the presence of the available model in the Arabic codex. The composition of the painting in the dispersed manuscript is closely based on the earlier painting in the Arabic copy. The number of Korah’s retinue has here been reduced to ten personages, of whom seven are bare-headed. Richard Ettinghausen has described this painting in the following words: Korah’s treasures have likewise been reduced in number and splendor and, following the fashion of the time, the large metal jar has become a ‘blue and white’ pottery vessel. While the gestures of the men in revolt are those of the Mongol model, those of Moses and the person behind him have been changed. The leader of the Israelites has been transformed from a figure surprisingly Classical in stance and attire to a Persian mulla, now seen arguing with Korah, and therefore not in need of a staff.50 As the above text indicates, in contrast to the paintings of the Arabic codex and Hazine 1653, Moses is not shown in Byzantine costume. He wears a Persian long robe and stands on the left in a position leaning forward. Apart from Moses, the depictions of other personages are reminiscent of those figures in their prototype. As in the picture in Hazine 1653, the event takes place in a hilly landscape. A Jalayirid miniature in the middle of folio 13b of Hazine 1654 epitomizes this story in a different way, without the presence of Moses. A two-storeyed palace is shown by the right margin. Korah’s royal tent is placed nearly at the centre of a hilly landscape below a golden sky. Around the tent, seventeen domesticated animals such as oxen, horses and camels are buried in the earth. On the left, Korah is shown from the back view. Around him, the heads of five of his followers and three boxes can be seen. Apparently, this painting had no influence on the two Shahrukhi illustrations. 50 Ibid., 41.

180

Cat. 12-1

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

“Moses and Korah,” detail of folio 59b from a copy of the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh, opaque watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Herat, ca. 1428. Topkapı Sarayı Library (Hazine 1653) photo by Courtesy of the Topkapı Sarayı Library

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

Cat. 12-2

181

“Moses and Korah,” a folio from the dispersed manuscript of universal history, opaque watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Herat, ca. 1428. L.A. Mayer Museum for Islamic Art, Israel, MS 47–69 Photo: Daniela Golan

182 13

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

Cat. 13: Moses Striking the Giant ʿUj’s Ankle

The legend of the giant ʿUj, which was rooted in the Isra‌ʾiliyyat, received much attention from the Persian artists of the medieval period. In qisas literature, ʿUj is regarded as an infidel (kafir) confronted with the prophets, and thus symbolises the adversaries of the true religion throughout history.51 The Muslim authors of the stories of the prophets have narrated this tale under the commentary of six verses of the Qurʾan (5: 21–26). Hafiz-i Abru’s story of ʿUj was firmly based on Balʿami’s translation of Tabari’s history so that its greater part is almost a duplication of the earlier text.52 The story begins with God’s command to Moses to conquer three towns in the Levant and Jerusalem with a great army of the Israelites. The people of those towns had tyrannical strength. Among them, there was a giant man called ʿUj ibn ʿUnuq, who was a grandson of Adam. ʿUj was born in the lifetime of Adam and he was killed at Jericho (Ariha) by Moses. He was so tall that at the time of the Flood, the water only reached up to his knee. When he was hungry, he plunged his hand into the sea and brought out fish which he could roast by holding them in front of the sun. When those people heard that an army from Egypt had marched, they asked ʿUj to cut out a rock from a mountain as large as Moses’ army and throw it at them. ʿUj went to a mountain and looked at the army, measured its size, and pulled up a rock out of the earth. When the army of Moses reached a wilderness near the city, the Israelites feared the strength of those people and wanted to return. They told Moses that they would never enter the city until the people left it. Therefore, Moses took his stick and together with Aaron moved to the town. The illustrated episode of the story in both Hazine 1653 and the dispersed copy is as follows: When Moses came near the town, ʿUj was carrying the rock that he had uprooted upon his head and wanted to find their camp and to throw it on them. The Almighty God sent one of the weakest birds, sandgrouse, so that it took a piece of diamond in its beak and pecked through the stone right on the top of ʿUj’s head. God the Exalted loosened that location so that the rock was cut up and fell on ʿUj’s neck in such a way that he could not get rid of it. Thus, the Almighty God informed Moses. Moses (pbuh) took his stick and with Aaron and some of the Israelites went to ʿUj. It is said that Moses’ stature was twelve cubits and the length of his staff was

51 Shani, “Noah’s Ark,” 154. 52 For Balʿami’s version of the story, see Balʿami, Tarikh-i Balʿami, 490–97.

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

183

also twelve cubits – but some say that it was ten cubits and some say that it was forty cubits – and he jumped up [Painting] as high as his stature until the top of his staff reached ʿUj’s ankle bone; and ʿUj fell down. The Israelites who were with him destroyed ʿUj. The story continues with wandering of the Israelites in the wilderness of Tayh for forty years because of their disobedience to the command of Moses. The legend of the giant ʿUj was subject matter of many paintings in the Islamic world.53 One of the earliest dated depictions of ʿUj is an illustration in a copy of ʿAja‌ʾib al-makhluqat wa ghara‌ʾib al-mawjudat (“The Wonders of Creation and the Oddities of Existence”) by Zakariya ibn Muhammad al-Qazwini (d. 1283) now in Bayerische Staatsbibliothek in Munich (dated February 1280, Wasit, Iraq, MS Arab 464, fol. 210a).54 The severely damaged painting shows the bearded ʿUj, wearing short trousers, while striding to the left. The next dated depiction is the well-known painting in the Arabic codex. In the pre-Islamic section of Rashid al-Din’s Jamiʿ al-tawarikh, the tale of ʿUj comes before the story of Korah. Nevertheless, Hafiz-i Abru has followed the sequence of the stories in Balʿami’s history. The entire narration of the encounter of Moses and ʿUj in both Arabic and Persian versions of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh reads as follows: After a while, Moses (pbuh) proceeded to destroy ʿUj. Moses’ stature was ten gaz (i.e. measurement unit equal to about one meter) and his staff was ten gaz. He jumped up in the air for ten gaz until his staff reached ʿUj’s ankle. ʿUj was destroyed with that blow of the staff.55 As mentioned before, the recto and verso of the ninth folio of the Edinburgh fragment have been reversed and thus ʿUj was originally painted on the recto of the folio. This small squarish composition is placed at the middle of the written area in the lower part of the page (fig. 23).56 On the right, the bareheaded Moses stands on a rock. His dragon-headed rod rests on his shoulder. His left hand points towards the upside down figure of the giant ʿUj, who occupies the greater part of the composition. The half-naked ʿUj, wearing blue 53 For the discussions of the depictions of ʿUj in Islamic painting, see Milstein, “Iconography of Moses;” Gutmann & Moreen, “Combat between Moses and Og;” Gutmann, “More about the giant Og;” and Shani, “Noah’s Ark,” 152–73. For a study of ʿUj in the Islamic world more generally, see Heller & Wasserstrom, “ʿŪd̲ j.̲ ” 54 Reproduced by Gutmann, “More about the giant Og,” fig. 1. 55 Hazine 1654, fol. 13a; and Or.MS 20, fol. 9b. 56 For a discussion of this painting, see Cho, “How land came into the picture,” 88–91, 125–28.

184

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

Figure 23 “Moses and the giant ʿUj,” detail of folio 9b from the Arabic copy of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh, watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Tabriz, dated 1314. Edinburgh University Library, accession number: Or.MS 20

trousers, painfully clutches his ankle. He is seen bare-headed with black beard. His complex figure is surrounded by a great rock. A quarter circle of the sun in the top left corner with radiating rays indicates the attempt of the artist to represent ʿUj’s stature comparable with the height of the sun. One more depiction of ʿUj from the early fourteenth century survives in the Freer manuscript of Balʿami’s history (F57.16, fol. 68b).57 The picture is arranged in a stepped L-shaped composition at the lower left corner of the written surface. The naked ʿUj wears a short skirt, a traditional representation of demons in Central Asian art which was adopted and developed by Muslim 57 Reproduced by Milstein, “Iconography of Moses,” fig. 3; Gutmann, “More about the giant Og,” fig. 3; and Fitzherbert, “Balʿami’s Tabari,” pl. 9.

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

185

painters.58 At the bottom of the composition, Moses and Aaron stand facing ʿUj. Moses is striking ʿUj’s ankle with his dragon-headed rod. The combat between Moses and ʿUj was also illustrated in the workshop of Sultan Ahmad Jalayir. An illustration of this legend can be found in a copy of Muhammad ibn Mahmud ibn Ahmad Tusi Salmani’s ʿAja‌ʾib al-makhluqat wa ghara‌ʾib al-mawjudat now in the Bibliothèque Nationale (Suppl. pers. 332, fol. 199a).59 According to its colophon on folio 249b, it was copied at Baghdad for Sultan Ahmad in Rabiʿ I 790/March 1388. The composition is arranged in full page, while there is a vertical rectangle of text area in the upper right corner (fig. 24). The half-naked ʿUj stands to the left on his right foot, while a huge oval rock has fallen around his neck. He is bald-headed and wears a short skirt bound at the waist by a belt. Striding forward to meet Moses, he has clutched the rock encircling his neck with his hands. On the lower right corner, Moses strikes ʿUj’s left ankle with his rod. Behind Moses, three tents, two men and a carpet can be seen. This illustration is of great importance for the iconography of ʿUj in the Islamic painting. As becomes clear in this image, for the first time the Jalayirid artists established the iconography of half-naked ʿUj with a short skirt, black beard and an oval rock around his neck. This icon was frequently utilized in the Persian painting of the following centuries. The last example of depicting ʿUj in the fourteenth century is a Jalayirid miniature on folio 13a of Hazine 1654. Because of the small height of the picture (nine lines) for depicting the huge figure of ʿUj, the artist decided to paint perpendicular to the direction of the transcribed text. The black-bearded ʿUj is attired in a cap, footwear, a long short-sleeved robe, and an under-garment. He stands in the centre of this static composition, while holding his belt with his left hand. The extremely diminutive figure of Moses can be seen in the lower right corner of the picture. He is shown black-bearded with white turban and a robe coloured brown. Moses is striking ʿUj’s left footwear, which seems to be bloody. The lower half of the background is filled with flowery bushes and its upper half is painted in lapis lazuli. The interest of the Timurid artists in depicting ʿUj is evident from the fact that they added his huge figure into the iconography of Noah’s Ark. As argued above, the Shirazi painters portrayed ʿUj standing beside the ship with a fish in his hand in the Iskandar anthology. Two depictions of ʿUj can also be found in the Kulliyat-i tarikhi: the first is seen in the paintings of “Noah’s Ark” and the

58 Milstein, “Iconography of Moses,” 202; and Shani, “Noah’s Ark,” 156. 59 Gutmann, “More about the giant Og,” fig. 4; and Richard, Splendeurs Persanes, 71, no. 33.

186

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

Figure 24 “Moses and the giant ʿUj,” folio 199a from a copy of ʿAja‌ʾib al-makhluqat wa ghara‌ʾib al-mawjudat, opaque watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Baghdad, dated 1388. Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Paris, accession number: Suppl. pers. 332

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

187

second shows the combat between Moses and ʿUj (fol. 65a).60 Among all the discussed depictions of Moses and ʿUj, the latter painting is the only case that epitomizes Moses’ leap. ʿUj is depicted on the left of the stepped composition, while his back and his right foot are drawn in the margin of the folio. His hands clutch an oval rock, which has fallen around his neck. Wearing a short skirt, he kicks his left foot up towards Moses. In the centre, the turbaned Moses, who has a fiery halo around his head, holds a rod in his upraised right hand and has jumped up towards ʿUj’s left foot. Behind Moses, on the lower right corner, five men watch the scene. The landscape is characterized by a pinkish hill below a flat sky in gold. While the majority of depictions of ʿUj from the beginning of the fifteenth century onwards follow the iconography of naked ʿUj with short skirt that appeared in Sultan Ahmad’s workshop, the painting in Hazine 1653 portrays ʿUj with short trousers, which is reminiscent of the garment of ʿUj in the Arabic codex. Moreover, unlike other paintings and similar to the illustration in the Arabic copy, ʿUj has fallen on the earth. ʿUj is shown on the right, while his left hand is leaning on the ground and his right hand clutches a gigantic rock, which has fallen around his neck. He is seen bare-headed with an extremely long beard. On the right, the turbaned and black-bearded Moses has raised his staff. The background is identified with a simple hilly landscape, tufts of grass, a blue sky and a piece of cloud. The illustration in the dispersed manuscript is the only known full-page composition of this codex. There is a vertical text area of seventeen lines in the upper left corner of the picture. On the right, ʿUj stands on his left foot, while his hands clutch an oval rock encircling his neck. On the left, the turbaned Moses has raised his staff, which appears to strike ʿUj’s knee. A comparison between this painting and that one in the ʿAja‌ʾib al-makhluqat of 1388 shows that the Timurid artist has undoubtedly made use of a Jalayirid prototype. The general structure of the illustration in the dispersed copy is almost a reversed version of the earlier picture. Both miniatures are arranged in full page with a framework of text in front of ʿUj’s face and above the figure of Moses. ʿUj’s beard has here been depicted longer. Moses’ figure is drawn more static and the camp of the Israelites has here been eschewed. The event takes place in a hilly landscape with clumps of grass below a lapis lazuli sky. In the sixteenth century, the destruction of ʿUj by Moses was also an interesting topic for illustrating numerous books such as Falnama, ʿAja‌ʾib al-makhluqat

60 For monochrome reproduction of the illustration on fol. 65a, see Gutmann & Moreen, “Combat between Moses and Og,” fig. 4.

188

Cat. 13-1

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

“Moses striking the giant ʿUj’s ankle,” detail of folio 62a from a copy of the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh, opaque watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Herat, ca. 1428. Topkapı Sarayı Library (Hazine 1653) photo by Courtesy of the Topkapı Sarayı Library

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

Cat. 13-2

“Moses striking the giant ʿUj’s Ankle,” a folio from the dispersed manuscript of universal history, opaque watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Herat, ca. 1428. Cincinnati Art Museum, Cincinnati OH, accession number: 1947.501

189

190

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

and Qisas al-anbiya‌ʾ. Most of these paintings follow the iconography that was established at the end of the fourteenth century.61 14

Cat. 14: Solomon among Demons, Fairies, Wildlife and Birds

One of the subchapters of the first volume of the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh is devoted to David and his son Solomon. The stories of the prophet-king Solomon consist of four accounts, of which the third, “The story of Bilqis and the city of Sheba” is illustrated in Hazine 1653. The tale begins with the hoopoe’s absence from Solomon’s court, and Solomon’s promise to punish the bird, unless the bird had a good reason for its absence. The hoopoe as an excuse presented information from the queen of the city of Sheba, saying, “I found there a queen, and she has been given of all things as well as a great throne. I found her and her people prostrating to the sun instead of to God.” Solomon ordered his vizier Asaf to write a letter inviting her to believe in God. The hoopoe carried the letter and cast it onto Bilqis’ chest. The queen in return dispatched luxurious gifts. Solomon ordered demons to construct a magnificent location (basat), the carpet of which was composed of golden and silvery bricks (khisht). When the emissaries of Bilqis came and saw the glory of Solomon, they were ashamed of their gifts. Solomon said, “Do you provide me with wealth? Rather, it is you who rejoice in your gift. Return to them, for we will surely come to them with soldiers.” Hearing the description of Solomon’s kingdom and his threat, Bilqis decided to go to him. When Bilqis approached, Solomon said to his companions, “Which of you can bring me her throne before she arrives.” His vizier, Asaf said, “I will bring it to you within the twinkling of an eye!” Solomon was still speaking when Asaf brought her throne and placed it in front of Solomon’s throne. The story continues with the following text: It is narrated that in the arrival day of Bilqis, Solomon (pbuh) ordered a gathering to be organized such that no congregation of that greatness had ever been formed before: a manifestation of the majesty of a prophet 61 For instance, four paintings in the following manuscripts can be mentioned: a copy of Falnama in the Topkapı Sarayı Library, Hazine 1703, fol. 24b (reproduced by Gutmann & Moreen, “Combat between Moses and Og,” fig. 5); a copy of ʿAja‌ʾib al-makhluqat in the same collection, Hazine 404, fol. 161a (published by Milstein, “Iconography of Moses,” fig. 8); a copy of Qisas al-anbiya‌ʾ in the Catherine and Ralph Benkaim Collection in Los Angeles (reproduced by Brosh & Milstein, Biblical Stories, no. 32); and a seventeenthcentury Ottoman Falnama in Sächsische Landesbibliothek in Dresden, MS E 445, fol. 15b (reproduced by Gutmann, “More about the giant Og,” fig. 5).

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

191

and king. The grandees and scholars of the children of Israel were seated on golden and silvery seats; he himself sat on the throne; and Asaf with all his glory sat on a couch beside his throne. Demons, fairies, wildlife, [Painting] and birds queued on the right, left, under and top [of the throne]. When Bilqis arrived, Solomon (pbuh) seated her beside his throne in honour of her majesty. She had a carbuncled crown on her head and was wearing a pearl-embroidered scarf. Solomon put Bilqis’ throne, which had been brought, opposite to his throne. When Bilqis was sitting on the throne, Solomon asked her whether her throne looked like that one. Bilqis replied, “It is as if it were the very one.” Finally, the account finishes with the submission of Bilqis to God and her marriage to Solomon. The painting in Hazine 1653, which is one of the most damaged illustrations of the manuscript, shows Solomon sitting on a throne, his retinue and various types of creature waiting for Bilqis’ arrival. While the text records that Bilqis’ throne was placed in front of Solomon’s throne, the throne of Bilqis is not depicted here. Thus, it seems that the painter recycled here a generic depiction of Solomon enthroned, rather than illustrating the episode of Bilqis’ visit. On the right, the turbaned Solomon is seated on a Mongol-type throne. His left hand holds the throne and his right hand points towards the centre of the composition. Behind him, Asaf is seated on a golden couch. Four men of the “grandees and scholars of the children of Israel” are seated behind Asaf on the far right. On the left, two demons wearing short skirts and two men stand facing Solomon. The figures of both demons are badly damaged, but it is still visible that the left one has a green body, black feet and two horns, while the right one has a brownish body and appears to be without any horn. Both demons have golden necklaces, bracelets, armlets and anklets. Behind the demons stand two creatures with multi-coloured wings and human heads that according to the text can be fairies. They are beardless and their hair is parted in the middle. The far left fairy, who holds a golden dish in his hand, is dressed in a long under-garment in blue and a striped low-necked costume in yellow. Above Solomon’s throne, a flying fairy or angel with golden wings and tri-lobed crown holds a golden bowl in his hands. Five birds and five animals can be seen in the picture: a rabbit, a lion, a cheetah and a cow on the furthest left, a small lion-like animal beside the throne, a simurgh in the upper right corner, a flying heron in the upper left corner, a peaco*ck behind the throne and a vulture and a parrot-like bird both sitting on the back of the throne. On reviewing the text of Hafiz-i Abru up to the end

192

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

of this account, we can perceive why these types of animals and birds are depicted. After reporting Solomon’s marriage to Bilqis, the account finishes with the following text: It is narrated that Solomon ordered a golden throne to be built for Bilqis. Four spellbound lions with fire-spitting mouths were prowling around its columns. Above each lion, there were two ruby-eyed vultures. When Solomon attended Bilqis’ throne, those vultures sprinkled rosewater on them. Above the throne’s knurls (kungura ha), there were two birds that opened their wings when Solomon wanted privacy with Bilqis, so that no one would see them. On the other side, there were four peaco*cks, whose mouths gave the fragrance of ambergris and ban (i.e. a plant species with the scientific name Moringa aptera). It is said that when Asaf sat on his couch, there was a lion, and if someone testified falsely, the lion would attack him. Although the throne of Bilqis is not depicted, it seems that the description of her throne matches the throne represented here. Two of the “four spellbound lions” can be seen as two lion heads at the base of the throne. One of the rosewater-sprinkling vultures and one of the fragrant peaco*cks are visible behind Solomon. The small lion beside the throne appears to be the lion of Asaf. Finally, what is the parrot-like bird in front of Solomon’s face? According to the text, it can be the hoopoe, because Hafiz-i Abru records “Due to the affection of Solomon (pbuh) for the hoopoe, its location was in front of the holy head of Solomon (pbuh).”62 Anyway, the artist has tried to depict the most significant elements of the story. He has portrayed “Solomon and his throne,” Asaf and four men of the “grandees and scholars of the Israelites sitting on golden couches,” two standing men as representatives of “the people,” two of “the demons,” three of “the fairies,” five “wild animals,” and five “birds.” For showing the greatness of the gathering, the artist has depicted a limited section of the scene, hinting at its continuation by cutting the four frames of the picture with the animals, the wings of the fairies, and the figure of the Israelites. Nevertheless, the painting is a generic picture of Solomon master of humans, animals, fairies and demons enthroned. The story of Solomon was also designated for illustration in manuscripts produced for Rashid al-Din. A Jalayirid miniature on folio 17b of Hazine 1654 62 Hazine 1653, fol. 70a.

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

193

has been added on the place left empty for illustration in the Rabʿ-i Rashidi.63 It is worthwhile to review Rashid al-Din’s text in Hazine 1654: The account of Solomon (pbuh) After the death of David, Solomon sat on the throne and with his kingdom he attained the honour of prophethood. According to statements of the Jewish historians, at that time, he was twelve years old. He asked Almighty God to bestow on him a kingdom such as may not behoove anyone even after him. In such words as “My Lord, forgive me and grant me a kingdom such as will not belong to anyone after me” [Qurʾan 38:35]. His prayer was answered and all humankind, Jinn, devils, demons, birds, wildlife and wind were subjected to him. It was so that when he was in open space, birds flew above his head. Despite this, he earned all these greatness with his own endeavour [Painting] not from the public treasury. He marched to battle for the eradication of the opponents of religion.64 The painting in Hazine 1654 shows the same episode that is illustrated in Hazine 1653 and thus we see Solomon and his retinue, fairies, demons, animals and birds. It is painted perpendicular to the direction of the transcribed text. At the top of this symmetrical composition, Solomon is seated on a throne that is carried by a demon. Approximately twenty birds are flying above the throne. Solomon is flanked by two sitting personages and five standing figures. In the lower row, there is a circle of six fairies with double wings and human bodies. At the bottom, two demons, a man with his horse, and eight animals can be seen. In the centre, a tree forms a vertical axis of symmetry for the composition. The account of Solomon in Hazine 1654 carries one more painting on folio 18b, which depicts three of the Jinn watching Solomon, who is dead in Jerusalem. The entire account of Solomon in the Arabic codex is missing.65 Comparison of the amount of the missing text with Hazine 1654 suggests that most likely 63 Reproduced by Inal, “Miniatures in historical manuscripts,” fig. 13. 64 Hazine 1654, fol. 17b. 65 Compared with Hazine 1654, it can be stated that three folios between the current folios 11 and 12 in the Edinburgh fragment are missing. According to Hazine 1654, the headings of the missing text, which are illustrated with four paintings, are as follows: “Concerning Ishiyushat [the son of Saul]” (fol. 16b), “The prophet David (pbuh)” (fol. 17a), “The prophet Solomon (pbuh)” (fol. 17b), “Concerning Kaykawus” (fol. 18b), and “Concerning Kaykhusraw ibn Siyawakhsh ibn Kaykawus” (fol. 19b). These folios were dropped before

194

Cat. 14

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

“Solomon among demons, fairies, wildlife and birds,” detail of folio 71a from a copy of the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh, opaque watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Herat, ca. 1428. Topkapı Sarayı Library (Hazine 1653) photo by Courtesy of the Topkapı Sarayı Library

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

195

the story of Solomon was also illustrated in the Arabic codex. Although it is not clear when the account of Solomon was dropped from the manuscript, it is interesting to imagine that perhaps the Shahrukhi painter of the figure of Solomon in Hazine 1653 had seen the counterpart picture in the Arabic codex. With the large number of personages and the Rashidi-type throne in the painting of Solomon in Hazine 1653, it is tempting to assume that perhaps the counterpart image in the Arabic codex, which is now missing, served as a prototype. 15

Cat. 15: Jesus Brings Back to Life Shem, the Son of Noah

One of the subchapters of the first volume of the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh, which is titled “The History of the Prophets after the Time of Alexander,” deals with the stories of Zechariah, John, Mary and Jesus. This subchapter is not illustrated in Hazine 1653, but a miniature depicting Jesus and Shem survives in the dispersed manuscript. The painting can be found in the seventh account of this subchapter, “Jesus coming to Jerusalem.” The account, which is strongly based on Balʿami’s text, begins with God’s command to Jesus to invite the children of Israel. He came to Jerusalem, entered the temple, and read the Gospel to the people. However, except for John, the son of Zechariah, no one believed in him. They asked him to present them his signs of prophethood. He made out of clay a bat which he breathed into and brought to life. His second sign was curing the blind and the leper. The illustrated episode reads: The children of Israel were still in defiance and said, “Do you have any other sign?” He told the greatest sign is that: “I give life to the dead – by permission of Allah” [Qurʾan 3:49]. The Israelites indicated an ancient tomb in a valley between the mountains of Jerusalem. They had found in narratives that the tomb of Shem, the son of Noah, was in that valley. They said, “Shem, the son of Noah, is our father. Bring him back to life.” Jesus stood on the edge of that valley and the Israelites gathered. Jesus called: “O Shem, the son of Noah, arise by permission of God.” In the location of his tomb, the earth moved and split. Shem, the son of Noah, arose and sat, and dust was pouring from his head and face; and his beard was white. The Israelites had heard that the first person whose beard had been white was Abraham (pbuh) and before him, no one had had white hair among the children of Adam. They said, “O Jesus, he is not Shem.” Jesus asked pagination of the manuscript in seventeenth-century India, because they do not appear in Blair’s list of the missing folios of the codex (Compendium of chronicles, appendix ii, 118).

196

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

him, “Who are you?” He replied, “I am Shem, the son of Noah.” Shem asked, “Who are you?” He replied, “I am Jesus, the son of Mary and God’s messenger.” Jesus asked, “Why is your beard white? At the time of your death, no one had a white beard.” He said, “I had black hair; but when I heard your voice, I supposed that it was the voice of Israfil and that the day of resurrection had come. Fearing the resurrection, my hair became white.” Jesus said, “O Shem, do you want me to pray to God so that you live with us?” He said, “O God’s messenger, although I live for a long time, I must die eventually. I have not forgotten the bitterness of death yet.” [Painting] “Pray to God so that the earth swallows me again as I was before.” Jesus prayed and Shem sank into the earth again. Another miracle of Jesus was that he informed them of what they ate and what they stored in their houses. Despite of these clear signs, no one believed in him and he was obliged to leave Jerusalem and to travel to other cities. The main reason for the selection of this episode for illustration in the dispersed manuscript was the available model existing in the Kulliyat-i tarikhi. The latter painting, which is placed at the bottom of folio 89b of the manuscript, shows Jesus, Shem and thirteen of the Israelites.66 The picture frame has been extended into the margin on the right and thus the painting can be considered as one of the largest paintings of the book. On the left, Jesus, wearing a long robe coloured green, stands with his hands pointing towards Shem. His turbaned head is surrounded by flaming halos. Behind him, stands a turbaned man who is dressed in a brown robe and holds a sword in his hands. In the middle of the picture, the naked Shem has arisen from the earth while his right hand points towards Jesus. Two men stand on the right, and behind them, there are a group of nine onlookers. The only woman in the scene is depicted behind the hill in the upper left corner. Since the text says that the event took place in a valley, the landscape consists of a plain ground with tiny tufts of grass below a great mountain and a golden sky. A tree grows from the centre of the landscape, the crown of which is extended into the upper margin. The painting in the dispersed manuscript is placed in the middle of the recto of a folio, and is much simpler than the earlier depiction of this episode in the Kulliyat-i tarikhi. On the left, the turbaned Jesus who is dressed in a longsleeved robe coloured green gazes at Shem. He has a golden fiery halo around his head. Four men of the Israelites stand behind him, all wearing turbans. On the right, the white-bearded Shem, who has arisen from the crack of the earth, 66 Reproduced by Aga-Oglu, “Preliminary notes,” fig. 9.

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

Cat. 15

197

“Jesus brings back to life Shem, the son of Noah,” a folio from the dispersed manuscript of universal history, opaque watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Herat, ca. 1428. Freer and Sackler Galleries, Washington DC, accession number: S1986.132

198

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

speaks with Jesus. Four great flowery bushes fill the empty spaces around Shem. A pine tree grows from the top of the hill above the figure of Jesus. It is interesting that despite the available model for the Annunciation in the Arabic codex, the Shahrukhi artists of Hazine 1653 and the dispersed copy instead paid attention to the story of Shem. However, they made use of the Rashidi painting as a prototype for a depiction of the Annunciation in Hazine 1654.67 The entire folios of the story of Jesus in Hazine 1654 (fols. 31a–32b) were transcribed on Herati papers in Shahrukh’s kitabkhana. Moreover, the story of the seven sleepers, which were illustrated in both Arabic codex and Hazine 1654,68 has not been depicted in the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh manuscripts. 16

Cat. 16: Jonah and the Whale

One of the most frequently illustrated episodes in the books on the stories of the prophets is the story of Jonah who was swallowed by a whale. Like such predecessors as Rashid al-Din and Balʿami, Hafiz-i Abru has included the story of Jonah after Jesus and before the prophet Jirjis. The text records that Jonah lived at the time of muluk-i tawa‌ʾif (i.e. the periods of the Seleucid and Parthian empires). God sent Jonah as a messenger to the idolater people of the town of Nineveh. He invited them to God for a period of thirty-three years, but except for two men, no one believed in him and thus he asked God to punish them. When Jonah saw red clouds as signs of God’s punishment, he abandoned them and left the city. Those people went out of the city and cried for three days. Therefore, God accepted their sincere repentance, and removed the torment. In his extreme anger, Jonah did not return to the city and boarded a ship. When the ship reached the middle of the sea, a giant fish prevented it from moving. Those people said that there was a man in that ship who had committed a great sin. They drew lots three times, and in each time, the name of Jonah came out. Thus, Jonah threw himself into the sea, and the fish swallowed him. During the forty days that Jonah stayed in the fish’s belly, he prayed to God, and his repentance was accepted. The accompanying text of an illustration in the dispersed manuscript reads: Thereafter, the Almighty God commanded to the angel of the sea to bring the fish from the bottom of the sea to the shore, where Jonah had boarded 67 Or.MS 20, fol. 22r; and Hazine 1654, fol. 31b (both paintings are reproduced by Inal, “Some miniatures,” pl. 4, figs. 7–8). 68 For reproduction of these paintings, see Ibid., pl. 5, figs. 9–10; and Blair, Compendium of chronicles, figs. 64–65.

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

199

the ship. From that location, it would take three days to travel to the town of Nineveh. The fish vomited up Jonah onto the shore. [Painting] Jonah had become like a newborn baby. His skin had become thin because he had not eaten or drunk for forty days, and he was ill. The Almighty God said, “But We threw him onto the open shore while he was ill” [Qurʾan 37:145]. God the Exalted grew a gourd vine in that place to provide him food and shelter. A deer was commanded to provide milk for him. She suckled Jonah twice a day until he regained his strength. Thereafter, the account finishes with the return of Jonah to his people to teach them the shariʿa. Several depictions of Jonah from fourteenth-century Persia survive. For the first instance, two paintings in the Arabic codex should be mentioned that served as prototypes for Shahrukhi depictions of this tale. One of these pictures, which is preserved in the Edinburgh University Library (fol. 23b), belongs to the pre-Islamic section of the manuscript, and the other one, which is housed in the Khalili Collection (fol. 59a), illustrates the subsection on Israelite history. Rashid al-Din reports that Jonah stayed in the fish’s belly for three days, but nearly all other details of his version of the story is similar to that of Hafiz-i Abru. In the Edinburgh illustration, the naked figure of Jonah lies in the shade of a gourd vine on the left side of the small picture (fig. 25). His right hand holds stems of the plant and his left hand picks a gourd. The vine has seven great leaves, three white blossoms, two gourds and two tendrils. On the right, the greater part of the composition is occupied by a giant carp-like fish with fins shaded in pink. The evocative rendering of the swirling fish indicates movement towards Jonah. The sea is shown with stylized imbrication of waves and spotted foams. The painting in the Khalili Collection does not represent Jonah recovering under the gourd plant, but shows the scene of Jonah emerging from the whale’s mouth. The large S-shaped whale and three swirling fish around it create a dynamic composition. The serpentine whale with silver belly and red scales is painted among the conventionalized waves of the water. In the upper left corner of the picture, the shore is portrayed with big leafy bushes against an empty background. The illustration in the Freer manuscript of Balʿami’s history (F57.16, fol. 107a) that is contemporary with the Rashidi paintings shows a radically different scene.69 The artist has depicted both the laden ship and Jonah whose head is swallowed by the whale. As noted by Rachel Milstein, the story of Jonah in Islamic painting is usually illustrated by one of three scenes: the gulp, the 69 Reproduced by Fitzherbert, “Balʿami’s Tabari,” pl. 14.

200

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

Figure 25 “Jonah and the whale,” detail of folio 23b from the Arabic copy of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh, watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Tabriz, dated 1314. Edinburgh University Library, accession number: Or.MS 20

regurgitation and the redemption.70 The Freer manuscript portrays the moment of God’s chastisem*nt, rather than the whale’s regurgitation and Jonah recovering on the shore as depicted in both the Khalili and Edinburgh illustrations.71 A deer-like animal with flames rising from its body appears in the shore that could be the deer, which suckled Jonah at the time of recovery. A large painting from the early Timurid period measuring 337 by 495 mm now in the Metropolitan Museum of Art (access no. 33.133) shows Jonah after his release from the whale’s maw.72 The centre of the picture is occupied by a giant fish with opened mouth, which regurgitates Jonah. Above the fish, a running angel with multi-coloured wings offers the naked Jonah a green garment. Behind Jonah, a gourd vine grows from the shore. 70 Milstein, “Nimrod, Joseph and Jonah,” 133. 71 Fitzherbert, “Balʿami’s Tabari,” 132. 72 Reproduced by Robinson, Persian painting in the Metropolitan, fig. 3; Pijoán, Summa artis, 341; Grube, Classical style, pl. 13; Swietochowski, “Development of traditions,” fig. 1; Lentz & Lowry, Timur and the princely vision, fig. 20; Sims et al., Peerless images, no. 214; and Farhad, Falnama, fig. 1.5.

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

201

Three illustrations of Jonah and the whale were produced in Shahrukh’s kitabkhana survive: two in Hazine 1654 and one in the dispersed manuscript. The first depiction of Jonah in Hazine 1654 appears on the middle of folio 33b (pre-Islamic section).73 This folio belongs to those leaves that were transcribed in Shahrukh’s workshop and thus the painting has greater height (fifteen lines) compared with the miniatures on the Rashidi leaves of the manuscript. The artist has chosen the Edinburgh illustration as a source of inspiration, but he has failed in re-execution of the pictorial movements of the prototype picture. Compared with the proportions of the picture, the figure of Jonah and the whale have here been depicted smaller, and for this reason, the major parts of the composition remain empty. The L-shaped fish with open mouth is depicted on the right. The water is shown with conventionalized imbrication of now oxidized silvery waves. In the upper left corner, the shore, which is separated from the sea with a curved line, is tinted in ochre. Jonah’s gesture is similar to the Edinburgh picture, but he is dressed in a black skirt or underpants. Here the gourd vine has ten leaves, four white blossoms, two hanging gourds and four tendrils. The second depiction of Jonah in Hazine 1654 is placed at the top of folio 291b from the subsection on the Jews’ history.74 The last sentences on the recto of the folio record that the people of the boat threw Jonah to the sea and the fish swallowed Jonah. Therefore, Jonah is not shown and the artist has only painted the ship and the fish. Depiction of the S-shaped fish with opened mouth and a red tongue is based on the form of the whale in the Khalili collection. A detail of the vessel with two men on board wearing turbans can be seen on the left. Three tree trunks, some flowery plants and a shrub with white blossoms grow from the shore at the top of the picture. As mentioned in the third chapter, the subsection on the Israelites’ history has been omitted in Hazine 1653 and in the dispersed copy and thus, the story of Jonah is only mentioned in the pre-Islamic section. While Jonah’s story in Hazine 1653 remains unillustrated, a painting of Jonah and the whale from the dispersed manuscript survives in the Metropolitan Museum of Art. Again, the image, which shows Jonah’s recovery, was based on the painting in the Edinburgh fragment. In contrast to the prototype, the fish’s tail has been extended outside the picture frame, and the shore is depicted above the sea. The naked Jonah with a similar gesture reclines under the gourd vine. The number of the leaves of the gourd plant has been considerably increased to 73 Reproduced by Inal, “Fourteenth-century miniatures,” 399. 74 The folio is published by Jahn, Die Geschichte der Kinder Israels, pl. 40.

202

Cat. 16

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

“Jonah and the whale,” a folio from the dispersed manuscript of universal history, opaque watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Herat, ca. 1428. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Cora Timken Burnett Collection of Persian Miniatures and Other Persian Art Objects, Bequest of Cora Timken Burnett, 1956, accession number: 57.51.37.4

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

203

eighteen, and its blossoms have here been eschewed. Two trunks of trees grow from the bank above the whale. The earth is filled with tufts of grass and several bushes with red flowers. Like those paintings in Hazine 1654, the sea is designed with stylized imbrication of silvery waves that are now oxidized. As becomes clear in this case, the artist was so faithful to the prototype that he did not add the deer, which suckled Jonah, to the scene. He has just re-arranged the fourteenth-century painting from a Timurid point of view. 17

Cat. 17: Excavation of the Well of Zamzam

Although fifteen folios in the beginning of the Islamic history in Hazine 1653 are penned by Hafiz-i Abru, the text belongs to Rashid al-Din’s Jamiʿ al-tawarikh. The first account of Islamic history deals with the ancestors of the Prophet. One of the events that took place during the life of ʿAbd al-Muttalib, the grandfather of the Prophet, is the story of excavation of the well of Zamzam, which is illustrated in the dispersed manuscript. ʿAbd al-Muttalib saw in a dream that someone commanded him to dig Zamzam, a well that was the legacy of his forefather Ishmael. ʿAbd al-Muttalib asked about its location and he was answered, “On the spot between excretion and blood. There is an ant’s nest there as well, and a crow pecks there.” The illustrated episode reads as follows: The following day, ʿAbd al-Muttalib who had no son but Harith took an axe and with his son went to that location. It was outside of Mecca between two great idols, ansaf and nayila – the sacrificing place of the people of Quraysh. He saw there that a crow pecked the ground and there was an ant’s nest there. [Painting] He struck the axe several times and saw the sign of the well. Thereafter, the struggles of the people of Quraysh with ʿAbd al-Muttalib about their share in the well and the treasures that were discovered in the location of the well are narrated. While this story in Hazine 1653 and Hazine 1654 remains unillustrated, depictions of this story can be seen in the Arabic codex and the dispersed manuscript. Comparison of these paintings shows that the Rashidi painting served as a prototype for the Shahrukhi illustration and thus, it can be stated that the main reason for depicting this episode in the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh was the available model. The small painting in the Arabic copy is arranged with a squarish composition in the lower part of folio 41a of the Edinburgh fragment

204

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

Figure 26 “Discovery of the well at Zamzam,” detail of folio 41a from the Arabic copy of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh, watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Tabriz, dated 1314. Edinburgh University Library, accession number: Or.MS 20

(fig. 26).75 ʿAbd al-Muttalib and Harith, both wearing turbans and long robes, stand on the left. The figure of the black-bearded ʿAbd al-Muttalib, who holds an axe in his right hand, overlaps the figure of his son. ʿAbd al-Muttalib’s left hand points towards a crow in the lower right corner of the picture. Painted in silver and with black wings and tail, the crow peaks the ground where seven ants can be seen. The background consists of a rocky landscape painted in colour washes. Compared with the painting showing the first revelation of the Prophet Muhammad four folios later in the same manuscript (fig. 28), it can be assumed that perhaps the background is unfinished. 75 For a discussion of this painting, see Cho, “How land came into the picture,” 94–97, 147–50.

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

Cat. 17

205

“Discovery of the well at Zamzam,” a folio from the dispersed manuscript of universal history, opaque watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Herat, ca. 1428. Sheet dimensions: 430 × 308 mm. The Keir Collection of Islamic Art on loan to the Dallas Museum of Art, accession no. K.1.2014.112

206

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

The simple painting in the dispersed copy follows the iconographic pattern of the earlier depiction. ʿAbd al-Muttalib and the crow are shown with similar gestures to the prototype. On the left, ʿAbd al-Muttalib and his young son stand in a position leaning forward. The footwear of ʿAbd al-Muttalib has here been eschewed. In the background are high rocks with cracks and fissures. The furthest right rock appears to be rubbed out. A trunk of a tree and a dried shrub grows from the top of the rocks. With the exception of the tree and the shrub, the artist did not add any pictorial element to the iconography of the scene, which was established at the Rabʿ-i Rashidi. 18

Cat. 18: The Birth of the Prophet Muhammad

The birth of the Prophet in Hazine 1653 remains unillustrated, but three paintings from three different periods survive in the Arabic codex, Hazine 1654 and the dispersed manuscript. Rashid al-Din’s text, which is identical in these four manuscripts, provides the date of the Prophet’s birth with the regnal years of the Sasanian king Khusraw I Anushirvan (r. 531–79) and Alexander the Great (r. 336–323 BC). It records that the Prophet was born at a house, which was called the house of Muhammad ibn Yusuf Thaqafi. The accompanying text of the illustrations in the dispersed copy and Hazine 1654 reads: When the time of her delivery came, Amina, the Prophet’s mother, said, “I saw in a dream that someone came down from the heaven and said me, ‘The holy begotten which you are carrying is the greatest man (mihtar) among the creatures. When he will be born, give him the name Muhammad and say: I seek refuge in the One from the evils of the envious when they envy.’” Amina told the dream to ʿAbd al-Muttalib. At the time of accouchement, she said, “I saw a light, which shone from the baby [Painting in the dispersed manuscript] so that it spread out lighting up the universe; and the palaces of Levant (Sham) appeared [to me] and its light reached the stars.” When ʿAbd alMuttalib heard her talk, he gave him the name Muhammad. [Painting in Hazine 1654] In the books, it has been mentioned that at the time of his birth, the idols that were around the Kaʿba collapsed, the fire of fire-temples died down, the sea of Saveh dried up, and twelve battlements of Nushirvan’s palace fell down. The tripartite illustration in the Arabic copy is placed at the bottom of a page and in the beginning of the account where the text provides the year of

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

207

the Prophet’s birth (fig. 27).76 Two red columns apparently made of porphyry divide the horizontal register to three compartments. The birth scene takes place in the central bay, which is greater than the two others. The mother is covered in a coverlet, while her head rests on a pillow. Two winged angels attend the scene: the foremost holding aloft the newborn Muhammad who is swaddled in a cloth and the other one holds what appears to be a censer in his outstretched hand. Two sitting midwives serve the mother and child, and three more women stand behind Amina’s head. In the right compartment, ʿAbd al-Muttalib, the Prophet’s grandfather, who holds a walking stick, is seated on a stool in front of an entrance decorated with a tied curtain. In order to balance the composition, the figure of ʿAbd al-Muttalib has its equivalent on the left register. Here an old woman, who is hunched over and wears a chequered garment, stands on a staff. Three young women stand behind her on the far left. As previous scholars have noted, the composition is loosely based on the Christian nativity, replacing the Three Magi with the three women, and Joseph with ʿAbd al-Muttalib.77 Moreover, the tripartite arrangement, the curtain, the angels and the censer are signs of borrowing from Byzantine art. In this case, the Ilkhanid artist has mostly followed available models rather that the text, which does not describe the birth scene and simply narrates Amina’s dream, the dialogue between Amina and ʿAbd al-Muttalib, the light of the Prophet, and the events that took place at the time of birth as signs of the advent of the last Prophet. Apart from ʿAbd al-Muttalib, Amina and the newborn Muhammad, there are nine females and two angels in the scene. This deviation between the text and painting is evident from the fact the later beholder has obliterated the face of the old woman who has been considered an irrelevant figure. The picture in Hazine 1654, which is squeezed in at the bottom of folio 55b, was painted in the end of the fourteenth century.78 It illustrates a later passage of the text, which reports that ʿAbd al-Muttalib after hearing Amina’s talk gave him the name Muhammad. Unlike the painting of the Arabic codex, the Jalayirid artist was more faithful to the text. In the centre, Amina, who wears a white headscarf, squats on the ground. She holds the newborn Muhammad in her hands and shows him to his grandfather. The baby is swaddled in a white cloth and has a great golden flaming halo, which is the light described in the lines above the painting. On the right, the turbaned ʿAbd al-Muttalib squats 76 For a discussion on the illustration cycle of the images of Muhammad in the Arabic copy, see Hillenbrand, “Muhammad as warrior Prophet.” 77 Arnold, Painting in Islam, 99; Rice, Illustrations to the world history, 97; Blair, Compendium of chronicles, 69; and Gruber, “Questioning the classical,” 14. 78 Reproduced by Inal, “Miniatures in historical manuscripts,” fig. 10.

208

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

Figure 27 “Birth of the Prophet Muhammad,” detail of folio 42a from the Arabic copy of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh, watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Tabriz, dated 1314. Edinburgh University Library, accession number: Or.MS 20

on a mattress, and behind him, two men are seated. On the left, a midwife with white headscarf stands in the doorway. The walls of the house are decorated with green hexagonal revetment tiles. As this case and other paintings of Hazine 1654 reveal, most likely the Jalayirid artist has never seen the Arabic codex and its illustrations because he has depicted radically different scenes. The painting in the dispersed manuscript retains the tripartite arrangement of the Rashidi depiction with a squarish wall decorated with blue revetment tiles flanked by two brick walls. The majority of the personages in the earlier painting have been omitted. In the central panel, Amina, the baby and two angels are depicted with gestures similar to their prototype. Here Amina rests on two non-chequered pillows and a mattress. Dressed in a green garment, she is covered in a coverlet coloured yellow. Unlike depiction of other women in the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh, Amina’s headscarf, which is clearly derived from the Rashidi model, does not cover her neck. The foremost angel, who holds the newborn Muhammad, wears a lownecked garment coloured red and has two wings in green and gold. The other angel with wings coloured red and light violet holds a censer above Amina’s head. Unlike the Rashidi painting, the baby has a golden flaming halo, which spreads out on two sides of the composition. The figures of ʿAbd al-Muttalib and the humpbacked woman recall the earlier depiction. The entrance portal of the Rashidi painting here is depicted as two small frames behind ʿAbd al-Muttalib and the old woman. The curtain tied in a loop in the earlier depiction, has here been replaced with two curtains tied up in a bundle as cornerpieces for the two upper corners of the painting and thus the composition has

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

Cat. 18

209

210

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

a symmetrical appearance. This painting seems to be one of the most symmetrical compositions of the manuscript. 19

Cat. 19: Muhammad’s Call to Prophecy and the First Revelation

The first illustration to the life of the Prophet Muhammad in Hazine 1653 and the second Shahrukhi painting of the Messenger in the dispersed copy is about the first divine revelation. Although two episodes between the Prophet’s birth and his call to prophecy were illustrated in both the Arabic codex and Hazine 1654,79 these episodes appear to be unillustrated in Hazine 1653 and the dispersed copy.80 The text reports that when the Prophet was aged forty, in the twentieth year of Khusraw Parviz’s reign, God sent Gabriel to him. The text offers two different narrations about the month that the first revelation took place and with citing some verses of the Qurʾan concludes that the event took place in the month of Ramadan. The accompanying text of the illustrations in Hazine 1653 and the dispersed manuscript reads as follows: According to a narrative from Muhammad ibn Ishaq Sahib Maghazi, he saw true visions during the six months before the first revelation, so that there was no difference between them. [He saw in the dreams that] when he walked, the stones, the trees and all things greeted him. When the revelation began, Gabriel came to him and said, “O Muhammad, [Painting in Hazine 1653] you are the Apostle of God.” The Prophet (pbuh) said, “I kneeled while I was shaken; then I went to Khadija and told her, ‘Cover me! Cover me!’ ” Although Muhammad’s call to prophecy is not illustrated in Hazine 1654 (fol. 59a–b), a small painting on folio 45b of the Edinburgh fragment depicts the first revelation (fig. 28). The turbaned Prophet is seated on a mountaintop between two rocks while he holds his right knee. The angel Gabriel with long hair and two strange wings, which are attached to the whole length of his arms, approaches the Prophet from the left. He is attired in an ornamented tri-lobed crown, a long low-necked garment, trousers and footwear. 79 “The youthful Muhammad recognized as a prophet by the monk Bahira” and “Muhammad solves a dispute over lifting the Black Stone into position at Kaʿba.” Or.MS 20, fols. 43b and 45a; and Hazine 1654 fols. 57a and 59a. 80 It should be noted that in the dispersed manuscript there is a later added painting depicting the story of the youthful Muhammad and the monk Bahira. See Appendix 3, no. 27.

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

211

The severely damaged painting in Hazine 1653 occupies fifteen lines of the text at the bottom of folio 154a. Although the painting has borrowed a few aspects of the earlier depiction, it represents a new pictorial space. The angel again is depicted on the left with a golden crown and a striped low-necked garment, which is coloured yellow and black, and has been depicted shorter. Under it, he wears a long robe in red that covers his feet completely. His multi-coloured wings are attached to his back. The Prophet, wearing a green robe, is seated in kneeling position, while he has a halo of holiness above his white turban. Unlike all other depictions of the Prophet in the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh, apparently he is not shown with long hair.81 The background is shaped with a rocky mountain, a dried shrub between the Prophet and Gabriel, and a lapis lazuli sky.

Figure 28 “Muhammad’s call to prophecy and the first revelation,” detail of folio 45b from the Arabic copy of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh, watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Tabriz, dated 1314. Edinburgh University Library, accession number: Or.MS 20

81 Except for the birth scene, two more paintings in Hazine 1653 (fols. 160b and 161b) and eight illustrations in the dispersed manuscript (nos. 28–31, 34–36 and 38) portray the Prophet Muhammad. In all these cases, the prophet has long hair and is dressed in green robe.

212

Cat. 19-1

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

“Muhammad’s call to prophecy and the first revelation,” detail of folio 154a from a copy of universal history written by Rashid al-Din and Hafiz-i Abru, opaque watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Herat, ca. 1428. Topkapı Sarayı Library (Hazine 1653) photo by Courtesy of the Topkapı Sarayı Library

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

Cat. 19-2

213

“Muhammad’s call to prophecy and the first revelation,” a folio from the dispersed manuscript of universal history, opaque watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Herat, ca. 1428. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York NY, accession number: 57.51.37.3

214

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

The painting in the dispersed manuscript illustrates the beginning of the account. With the exception of Gabriel’s garments and the shape of the mountain, it resembles the painting in Hazine 1653. The Ilkhanid iconography of the angel has here been developed and it does not resemble the earlier model. Gabriel with his multi-coloured wings has a flaming halo around his head instead of crown. The Prophet has here been depicted upper than Gabriel with the same halo of holiness. The mountain is shown with two great rocks – the left one in ochre and the other in grayish violet. Again, a dried shrub grows from the top of the ochreous rock. 20

Cat. 20: The Prophet Converts Abu Bakr

Conversion of Abu Bakr to Islam is only illustrated in the dispersed manuscript, while no other Ilkhanid or Timurid depiction of this episode is known to us. The account begins with a discussion concerning unanimity of all scholars that Khadija, the Prophet’s wife, was the first one who converted to Islam. The text continues with the agreement of most of the historians that after her ʿAli, then Zayd ibn Haritha and then Abu Bakr converted to Islam respectively. Afterwards, it focuses on Abu Bakr’s conversion and contradictory reports that the first one who converted to Islam was Abu Bakr. The accompanying text of the illustration reads: From [the Prophet] Mustafa it is narrated that he said, “Whenever I offered Islam to anyone, he always showed hesitation, but Abu Bakr accepted Islam without any reluctance.” [Painting] When he converted to Islam, he invited others to Islam and some people were converted by him. Thereafter, the text continues with a report of those people who were converted by Abu Bakr. Perhaps this composition is the simplest illustration of the dispersed manuscript. The composition is remarkably symmetrical and static. The Prophet with a flaming halo arising from the top of his turban stands on the right. He is dressed in a brownish under-garment and a long robe coloured green. The colouration of his robe and under-garment is reversed in the clothing of Abu Bakr, who approaches the Prophet from the left. The background consists of a blue sky and a plain hilly landscape, which is damaged in several places.

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

215

Significantly, the selection of this episode for illustration shows the Sunni nature of book production in Shahrukh’s kitabkhana. Although Rashid al-Din’s text at the beginning of the account records that Abu Bakr was not the first one who converted to Islam, his conversion as the first Muslim was designated for painting. This painting shows the importance of the first Sunni caliph for the patron of the book.82 This is not the only surviving depiction of the first caliph from Shahrukh’s workshop. Two paintings show Abu Bakr accompanying the Prophet on his migration from Mecca to Medina (Hazine 1654, fol. 73b, and Hazine 1653, fol. 160b). Another Shahrukhi illustration in Hazine 1654, fol. 62a also shows Abu Bakr in negotiation with Umayya to purchase Bilal al-Habashi in order to emancipate him from slavery. Comparison of the Arabic codex (the Edinburgh fragment, fol. 46a–b.) with the dispersed copy and Hazine 1653 reveals that the more important fact concerning the significance of Abu Bakr for both Shahrukh and Hafiz-i Abru remains not only in the images but also in the text. This account in the three manuscripts starts with the following sentences: Conversion of the companions and disagreement of scholars about the first one who converted to Islam All scholars are unanimous that the first one who converted to Islam was Khadija, may God be pleased with her. Most of the narrators and the historians agree that after her, the commander of the faithful ʿAli, then Zayd ibn Haritha al-Kalbi and then Abu Bakr al-Siddiq converted to Islam. From the commander of the faithful ʿAli (pbuh) it is narrated that he said, “I am the servant of God, the brother of His messenger and the great truthful one (al-siddiq al-akbar). Anyone who claims this after me would be a liar. I have prayed to God along with the Prophet seven years before any other person did.” From ʿAbd-Allah ibn ʿAbbas and others there are several narratives [confirming this matter]. After the above sentences, the text in the Arabic codex focuses on the con version of ʿAli ibn Abi Talib and the rest of the account is devoted to his conversion as the first one who converted to Islam. The next account of the Arabic copy is about the conversion of Zayd ibn Haritha, and then the conversion of Abu Bakr is mentioned in a separated account. However, after the above-mentioned sentences, the text in Hazine 1653, which is transcribed by Hafiz-i Abru, continues abruptly with the conversion of Abu Bakr. The major 82 For a discussion on the life of Abu Bakr, see Montgomery Watt, “Abū Bakr.”

216

Cat. 20

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

“The Prophet Muhammad converts Abu Bakr,” (painting, recto; text, verso), folio from a manuscript of the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh, opaque watercolour, ink and gold on paper, Herat, ca. 1428, folio: 425 × 339 mm, Harvard Art Museums/ Arthur M. Sackler Museum, Bequest of Abby Aldrich Rockefeller, accession number: 1960.184 Photo: Imaging Department © President and Fellows of Harvard College

Catalogue: The Illustrations of the Prophets

217

part of the text on ʿAli and the entire text on Zayd ibn Haritha is omitted. The same situation happens in the dispersed manuscript, which is copied from Hazine 1653. In sum, twenty-three lines on the conversion of ʿAli in the Arabic copy have been omitted in the Timurid copies of the text.83 The omitted account on Zayd ibn Haritha includes nine lines of the text on fol. 46b of the Edinburgh fragment.84 Thus, it becomes clear that in “Hafiz-i Abru’s version of the Jamiʿ altawarikh” the earlier focus on ʿAli’s conversion is given to Abu Bakr. Moreover, compared with Hazine 1653, one additional sentence in the dispersed copy again emphasises Abu Bakr as the “first one who converted to Islam.”85 This deliberate change of the text reveals two remarkable facts: first, Abu Bakr’s importance for both Hafiz-i Abru and Shahrukh, and second, it appears that the selection of this episode for illustration has been under the direct supervision of the patron. 83 The omitted text consists of fourteen lines on fol. 46a and nine lines on fol. 46b of Or.MS 20. 84 It should be noted that this part of the text in Hazine 1654 is identical with the Arabic copy. This account can be found in Hazine 1654, fols. 59b–60a. 85 See Appendix 1, no. 20.

Conclusion Shahrukh, who was not the designated successor of Timur, attempted to portray himself as the rightful Islamic successor to the legitimate Ilkhanid rulers. He applied Ghazan Khan’s title, padishah-i Islam, as his official appellation and developed the Timurid-Ilkhanid linkage. He was well aware of the importance of historical books for justifying his rule in history. These manuscripts served as a device to connect the Timurids with the previous Ilkhanid sultanates in Iran. Another objective of these religio-historical codices was to set Shahrukh’s rule within the general context of Islamic history. Shahrukh’s Islamizing policies and his adherence to Sunnism of the Hanafite school of jurisprudence resulted in patronage of religious and scientific books rather than lyrical poetry. Production of these codices was an endeavour to implement religious orthodoxy or an invitation for conversion to Islam. Such manuscripts as Jamiʿ al-tawarikh and Majmaʿ al-tawarikh, which deal with both the histories of the Persian kings and Islamic stories of the prophets, were the ideal books for patronage of Shahrukh as padishah-i Islam. The interest of Shahrukh in the themes of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh caused him to encourage his court historian Hafiz-i Abru to compose an expanded version of Rashid al-Din’s enterprise. As a result, Majmaʿ al-tawarikh with considerable Qurʾanic citations was composed approximately four times larger than its precedent. It was in this context that those sections on the histories of the ancient kings of Persia and the stories of the prophets were richly illustrated in the first volume of the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh.1 These illustrations to Islamic hagiographical stories also served as a device for justifying the rule of padishah-i Islam. Such attempts like patronage of religious painting, use of the word khilafat in the coinage, visitation of shrines and summoning of Qurʾan reciters to the royal court are manifestations of Shahrukh’s Islamizing policies. Apart from the transcription of Hafiz-i Abru’s works, one of the main tasks of Shahrukh’s kitabkhana was the preservation and completion of fragmentary manuscripts of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh produced at the Rabʿ-i Rashidi. In the process of completion of Hazine 1653, Hafiz-i Abru replaced the pre-Islamic section of the manuscript with the first volume of his own Majmaʿ al-tawarikh. He utilized thirty-one leaves from a further Rashidi manuscript. Moreover, he omitted the subsection on the Israelites’ history, because the content of this subchapter could be found in the pre-Islamic part of the book. Another 1 For a discussion on the importance of the legacy of pre-Islamic Iran in forming an image of Persian kingship in the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh manuscripts, see Melville, “Royal image.”

Conclusion

219

possible reason for Hafiz-i Abru’s decision could be the Jewish or non-Islamic nature of this subsection. Shortly after the accomplishment date of Hazine 1653, Shahrukh’s kitabkhana drew on the second, “Divided” Rashidi manuscript, some folios of which had previously been inserted into Hazine 1653, to complete the another Shahrukhi manuscript, which now consists of about 407 folios, including approximately sixty-five Rashidi leaves. It was copied directly from Hazine 1653 and nowadays is widely dispersed. Completion of these fourteenth-century manuscripts cannot simply be considered as “heritage preservation” or even “acquisition.” The ideological and political aspects of refurbishing these books persuade us to call it “appropriation.” The case of Hazine 1653, for instance, strongly supports this hypothesis. Although the pre-Islamic part of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh was probably accessible to Hafiz-i Abru, he replaced it with his own Majmaʿ al-tawarikh, which contains a comprehensive introduction explaining his theories of state and a eulogy of Shahrukh.2 Moreover, the largest – and perhaps the last – Shahrukhi painting of the manuscript, “A dervish becomes a king in India,” bears the typical panegyric inscription of Shahrukh. Thus, it becomes clear that these are attempts to appropriate a historical work from the preceding century with the intention to legitimate Shahrukh’s rulership. Refurbishing these fourteenth-century fragmentary illustrated codices (Hazine 1653, Hazine 1654 and the “Divided manuscript”) resulted in the appearance of a certain style of painting in Persia. The formation of this style was strongly based on illustrations existing in these manuscripts. In some cases, the artists were obliged to paint on the framework of vacant space left by scribes of the Rabʿ-i Rashidi, and in other cases, they had to improve the quality of the earlier illustrations by restoration and overpainting. A further restriction on the Shahrukhi artists was the necessity to coordinate the paintings in Timurid parts of these codices with their Ilkhanid pictures. In such a process, the aesthetics of Ilkhanid painting, whose coloured washes were largely restricted to ochre, red and blue, were updated by using opaque and vivid pigments. The major iconographic sources for the “historical style” are the paintings produced for Rashid al-Din, Iskandar Sultan and the Jalayird patrons. Among all the codices that had been transferred to Herat by Shahrukh, the Arabic version of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh provided the most important model for the Timurid artists in depiction of the episodes and selection of the subject matter. Designation of a large number of paintings in a single manuscript and the hurriedness of execution indicate that they are useful images, which illustrate 2 For Hafiz-i Abru’s theories of state, see Lambton, “Early Timurid theories.”

220

Conclusion

certain episodes of a historical book. Compared with the Rashidi paintings, these illustrations appear more minimalistic in their component parts, in such a way that they show the most important elements of the narratives. In general, there is a close correspondence between text and image – one could say that we can see a true visualization of the narrative. As this study has argued, in some cases, for example “Noah’s Ark” and “The Birth of the Prophet Muhammad,” the Shahrukhi artists were more faithful to the text rather than the prototype, while the Rashidi depictions of these episodes appear to be more faithful to Byzantine models. In the prophetic illustrations of the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh, we see the demonstration of God’s omnipotence materialized in the wonders of the prophets, His protection of them and the punishment of those who would not listen. The prophets as predecessors of Muhammad were sent by God to propagate the true religion and fight against paganism. Usually the prophets and their closest companions are shown in green and brown robes respectively and with Islamic turbans on their heads. Therefore, they are depicted as Muslim religious figures, green being the colour of Muhammad’s family and brown the colour of devoted men of religion, especially mystics. This recalls the pious character of Shahrukh and his numerous visitations to the shrines of Muslim saints.3 Considering the Sunni nature of these religio-historical manuscripts, it would be interesting to examine both the text and images related to the four Sunni caliphs. As shown in Cat. 20, Hafiz-i Abru in transmission of Rashid al-Din’s text has omitted a considerable amount of the text on the conversion of ʿAli ibn Abi Talib and Zayd ibn Haritha. Instead, he focuses on Abu Bakr’s conversion and introduces him as the first Muslim who converted to Islam. Therefore, it can be proposed that it was the patron of the manuscript who ordered this episode in the dispersed copy to be illustrated. For the images, it should be noted that among all the extant paintings in the “historical style” executed in Shahrukh’s kitabkhana, only the first and the fourth caliphs are depicted: Abu Bakr and Imam ʿAli. Four paintings show Abu Bakr: “The Prophet Muhammad’s migration” (Hazine 1654, fol. 73b, and Hazine 1653, fol. 160b), “The Prophet Muhammad converts Abu Bakr” (Cat. 20) and “The persecution of Bilal al-Habashi” (Hazine 1654, fol. 62a). The last illustration portrays Abu Bakr in discussion with Umayya, who is punishing his black half-naked slave Bilal al-Habashi. Abu Bakr negotiated a deal with Umayya to exchange Bilal with Abu Bakr’s slave. Then Abu Bakr emancipated Bilal from 3 See Melville, “Itineraries of Shāhrukh,” 291–93.

Conclusion

221

slavery and afterwards the latter was appointed as the first muezzin by the Prophet. Three illustrations depict Imam ʿAli: “The battle of Uhud” (Hazine 1654, fol. 81b, and the dispersed manuscript, no. 34) and “The conquest of Khaybar” (the dispersed manuscript, no. 36). As Robert Hillenbrand has beautifully explained, the nature, the rate and the placement of the illustrations in a manuscript demand comment.4 It seems that some especial events on the lives of the caliphs have been designated for illustration. I believe that there is a certain emphasis on Abu Bakr among the early Muslims depicted in these manuscripts. The images of Imam ʿAli depict him only as a brave warrior among the army of the Prophet. On the other hand, Abu Bakr is illustrated as an intimate companion and a successor of the prophet. In these paintings, Abu Bakr is not shown as a companion among the followers of the Prophet, rather he is introduced as the only intimate companion. In two paintings, he is the sole attendant in the presence of the Prophet (Cat. 20, and Hazine 1654, fol. 73b); in the third case, only an old woman who fed them in their way to Medina is depicted (Hazine 1653, fol. 160b); and in the last case, Abu Bakr is shown as the one who emancipated the “first muezzin” (Hazine 1654, fol. 62a).5 The episode of persecution is also illustrated in the Arabic codex (the Edinburgh fragment, fol. 48b). Both illustrations in Hazine 1654 and the Arabic copy are placed within the same location of the text.6 The noteworthy fact is that the artists of the Rabʿ-i Rashidi have depicted a general scene of punishment of five half-naked Muslims by an enthroned king and his servants without the presence of Abu Bakr, because the narrative concerning Abu Bakr’s negotiation with Umayya is mentioned later. However, Shahrukh’s kitabkhana has preferred to portray Abu Bakr instead of a general scene. This image of Abu Bakr in a green robe once again emphasises his great eminence for the workshop of the Timurid ruler. Interestingly, all these Shahrukhi paintings show Abu Bakr as a companion and successor rather than a warrior, and this is reminiscent of the image of Shahrukh who did not inherit Timur’s military aspiration. Thus, it is tempting to assume that Shahrukh, the patron of these manuscripts, is introduced as the “Abu Bakr of his time” who succeeded the founder of the dynasty. This hypothesis is also reinforced by Shahrukh’s usage of the word khilafat in 4 Hillenbrand, “Arts of the book,” 147–49. 5 The painting in Hazine 1654 represents three personages: Abu Bakr on the right, Umayya on the left and Bilal, who has fallen on the earth, on the centre. 6 The painting in the Arabic codex is reproduced by Rice, Illustrations to the world history, 104.

222

Conclusion

the coinage and architectural inscriptions.7 Finally, I would like to underline that the painting depicting “Abu Bakr’s conversion,” which is perhaps the simplest composition executed for Shahrukh, can be regarded as the most meaningful one. Several aspects of the historical paintings produced for Shahrukh can be seen in the art of the subsequent period. Some provincial illustrated manuscripts produced in the middle of the fifteenth century show a similar arrangement of the pictorial space. For instance, the horizontal compositions in a copy of Shahnama of 850/1446 produced for Muhammad ibn Murtaza, a local ruler of Mazandaran, are reminiscent of the paintings produced for Shahrukh.8 Stronger influences of the historical paintings made for Shahrukh can be found in a copy of Shahnama of 1438 produced in the Bahmanid Deccan.9 The manuscript, which is richly illustrated with ninety-three illustrations, is housed in the British Library (Or. 1403). From the middle of the fifteenth century onwards, the interest of the Ilkhanids and Timurids in the works of Rashid al-Din and Hafiz-i Abru was not picked up by the Persian artists. However, the Mughal emperors of India who were descendants of Timur patronized several illustrated copies of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh and some other historical works.10 Although this analysis of the two Majmaʿ al-tawarikh manuscripts reveals many aspects of the historical paintings produced for Shahrukh, more research needs to be done on other books connected to his patronage, especially the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh of the Bibliothèque Nationale and the Cartier Khamsa. Moreover, an infrared examination of the illustrations of the Divided manuscript would be of great importance in answering the question of how the Shahrukhi artists added those paintings to the manuscript. Likewise, with the information provided in Appendix 2, a digital reconstruction of the dispersed manuscript would be necessary to preserve this surviving treasure from the Ilkhanid and Timurid periods.

7 Komaroff, “Epigraphy of Timurid coinage,” 217; and O’Kane, Timurid architecture, 10. 8 For discussions of this copy of Shahnama, see Robinson, Persian painting, figs. 6–9; Titley, Persian miniature, 64–66; Robinson, “Dunimarle Shahnama;” and Brend & Melville, Epic of the Persian kings, no. 4. 9 For this manuscript, see Binyon et al., Persian miniature painting, 73; Titley, Persian miniature, 164–66; Brend, “The British Library’s Shahnama,” 87–93; Idem, Perspectives on Persian painting, 78–79; and Firouzeh, “Architecture, sanctity, and power,” 177–82. 10 For the study of illustrated copies of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh produced or refurbished in the Mughal courts, see Gray, “An unknown fragment;” Brend, “A sixteenth-century manuscript;” Blair, Compendium of chronicles, 102–8; and Rice, “Mughal interventions.”

Appendix 1

Translation of the Illustrated Episodes of the Lives of the Prophets Based on Hazine 1653 1

The Children and the Descendants of Adam

[fol: 8b:] Some historians say that the first time Eve (Hawwa) got pregnant, she did not know that it was a baby. When it grew heavy, they both prayed. Almighty God declared, [fol. 9a:] “And when it becomes heavy, they both invoke Allah, their Lord, ‘If You should give us a good [child], we will surely be among the grateful’ ” [Qurʾan 7:189]. Adam travelled to the hajj, and during his absence, Eve went into labour. It was very hard for her. Iblis came to her in the form of an old man and said, “If the baby, which is in your womb, will deliver easily and will be in your form, will you donate it to me?” Eve said, “I will.” Iblis was named Harith, so he said, “Will you name him ʿAbd al-Harith?” Eve said, “I will.” So Eve gave birth to a handsome son. She named him ʿAbd al-Harith [the servant of Harith]. But when He gives them a good [child], they ascribe partners to Him concerning that which He has given them. Exalted is Allah above what they associate with Him [Qurʾan 7:190]. When Adam came back and saw the baby, he asked Eve about it. Eve said, “It was found inside me, and was close to kill me, suddenly came a shaykh and we spoke about it, and so on.” Eve told him the whole story. Adam said, “What did you name him?” She said, “ʿAbd al-Harith.” Adam said that the old man had undoubtedly been the devil, and that he did not want the baby to be named with the name of Almighty God, so he named him instead with his name. Adam said to Eve, “We should ask Exalted God to take the baby from us and bestow another instead of him.” Almighty God answered their prayer and the baby died. Some say that Adam and Eve were given a child who lived for one year and then died. Eve got pregnant again. Iblis came to Adam and said, “I am very sad for you that you do not have any child.” Adam said, “It is the will of Almighty God.” Iblis said, “I hope the baby, which is in Eve’s abdomen, will be beautiful and created perfect. If the baby will be like this, will you donate him to me?” He said, “I will.” Iblis was named Harith. When the baby was born, he named him ʿAbd al-Harith. Almighty God answered their prayer and the baby died. Eve got pregnant again and this time gave birth to a son and a daughter. They named the son, ʿAbd al-Mughith,

224

Appendix 1

and the daughter, Umma al-Mughith. Afterwards Cain (Qabil) and his sister Iqlimiya were born. After them, Abel (Habil) and his sister Luza were born. After seven times of giving birth, the decree of marriage between the offspring of Adam was issued. Adam ordered that Cain’s twin (sister) would be for Abel, and Abel’s twin (sister) would be for Cain. Cain disagreed. Therefore, Adam commanded them to sacrifice. [Painting in Hazine 1653] It is said that Adam had determined one day during the year for prayer, prostration and sacrifice. A fire like a bird came down from the heaven and consumed the sacrifice that was accepted, and the other sacrifice that it left untouched was rejected and its lord became disgraced and ashamed among the people. It is said that this rule was until the time of the children of Israel (bani Isra‌ʾil). Exalted God by His grace abolished the law, so that no one becomes aware whether He accepts or rejects the sacrifice. Thus, when Cain opposed the marriage of Abel with his twin, Adam ordered both of them to offer a sacrifice and said, “Whosoever’s sacrifice will be accepted, I will give him the daughter.” They went and offered their sacrifices. Abel, who was a herdsman, brought a good sheep, fastened its legs and put it at the location of sacrifice. Cain, who was a farmer, offered a bundle of bad wheat. Then a fire like a bird came down, consuming Abel’s sacrifice, and disappeared while leaving Cain’s untouched. Cain told Abel, “I will kill you.” Abel said, “Almighty God accepts the sacrifice only from those who fear [Him]. If you extend your hand to kill me, I will not extend my hand to kill you, for I fear the God of the universe.” Thus, Abel avoided him until one day Cain found Abel sleeping on a mountaintop. Cain threw a stone at his head [fol. 9b:] and killed him. This was the first criminal act committed by the children of Adam. Almighty God has narrated this story in the glorious Qurʾan: And recite to them the story of Adam’s two sons, in truth, when they both offered a sacrifice [to Allah], and it was accepted from one of them but was not accepted from the other. Said [the latter], “I will surely kill you.” Said [the former], “Indeed, Allah only accepts from the righteous [who fear Him]. If you should raise your hand against me to kill me – I shall not raise my hand against you to kill you. Indeed, I fear Allah, Lord of the worlds. Indeed, I want you to obtain [thereby] my sin and your sin so you will be among the companions of the Fire. And that is the recompense of wrongdoers” [Qurʾan 5:27–29]. When Cain killed Abel, fearing that his father would see the corpse, he carried it on his back, wandering from place to place around the world, not knowing what to do with it. Almighty God sent two crows fighting against one another, so that Cain saw them. One of them killed the other; and used its beak to dig a hole in the ground, rolled the corpse into it and covered it with soil. Seeing it do that, Cain said, “Am I not even able

225

Translation of the Illustrated Episodes

to do as this crow?” Then, he buried the body of his dead brother and covered it with earth. Exalted God declared: Then Allah sent a crow searching in the ground to show him how to hide the disgrace of his brother. He said, “O woe to me! Have I failed to be like this crow and hide the body of my brother?” And he became of the regretful [Qurʾan 5:31]. Adam (pbuh) had set forth on the hajj, while he had entrusted [the affairs of] all his children to Cain. When Adam came back, he could not find Abel. He knew that Cain had killed him. He cursed Cain and declared some words – their translation into Arabic was versed:

‫فــ‬ ‫ق‬ ‫أ ض‬ ��‫ و ج��ه ال� ر�� م غ�� ب��ـــ�ر � ب��ي‬ ‫ح‬ �‫ و �قــ�ل ب� ش��ا �ش��ـ�ه ا �لو ج��ه ا لم�ل��ــ‬ ‫يح‬ ‫ف‬ ��‫ �وا ا ��س�ــ�ف� �ا ع��لی ا �لو�جــ�ه ا لم�ل‬ ‫یح‬ � �‫ح��ي�ـ�ا �ت� �م��ســ‬ � �‫ و �م�ا ا ن�ا �ف‬ ‫ي‬ ‫ي‬ ‫ريح‬

‫�ت غ��ــ� ت‬ ‫� ا �ل ب��ــ�لا د و �م� ن� ع�ل��ي�ـ�ه�ا‬ ‫ير‬ ‫�ذ‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ن‬ � ‫� غ��يــ�ر‬ �‫ـكل �ي� ط�ــ�ع و لـو‬ ‫م‬ ‫ق ق‬ ‫و ��تــ�ل ��ا ب��ی�ـ�ل �ه�ا ب��یــ�ل ظ��ل�م�ا‬ ‫�غ‬ ‫ا ر �ى ــطول ا �ل‬ � ‫حي��ا ه ع�لـ��م�ا‬ ‫ي‬

The lands and those on it have become altered. The visage of the earth has become dusty and hideous. Every palatable and colourful thing has changed. The delight of the handsome face has become rare. And Cain killed Abel tyrannically. O sadness! The beautiful face has been lost. I imagine the entire of my life in grief. And I do not have tranquility in my life. In another codex, a distich apart from these verses was written, saying that Adam (pbuh) heard a song, and the following is the meaning of this distich:

‫أ‬ ً ‫ق ق‬ �‫كا �ل�ـ��مي�� ت� ا �ل ذ�� ب�ي‬ � �‫� ب�ــ�ا �ه�ا ب��يــ�ل��د ��ت�ـ�لا ج��م��ي�ــ�ع�ا و��ص�ـ�ا را �لحــ‬ ‫ح‬ ‫ي‬

Father of Abel, both have been slain. The one alive has become like the one dead and sacrificed. When Adam heard these words, he became very sad. Almighty God sent Gabriel (Jibra‌ʾil), announcing, “We will bestow a son to you in place of Abel, and best of the creatures will be of his generation.” After a while, a son was born without a sister. Gabriel came and said, “This is the substitute of Abel. Name him Shayth (Seth).” The

226

Appendix 1

meaning of Shayth is the blessing of Almighty God. When Seth grew, Adam (pbuh) preferred him to his children and made him a successor. The number of the children of Adam in his lifetime reached forty thousand.

Concerning the Life of the Prophet Noah

[fol. 11a:] Noah (Nuh) was the second prophet that was named ulu al-ʿazm (i.e. [messengers] endowed with great determination). His appellation was Najiyy Allah and his lineage was Nuh ibn Lamik, ibn Mitushilkh, ibn Idris, ibn Birad, ibn Mahabil, ibn Qinan, ibn Anush (Enoch), ibn Shayth (Seth), ibn Adam. He was from the tenth generation of Adam, and was the fourth prophet. Some say that no book was revealed to Noah from heaven, and that he invited the people to God with the book that was revealed to Adam, Seth and Idris. There are disagreements about his age at which the first revelation was revealed to him. Some say that he was forty years old, some say that he was one hundred and fifty years old, and it has been mentioned that he could be even two hundred and fifty years old, and 480 years old has also been narrated. The knowledge is only with God. There is a difference of opinion about the religion and the nationality of the people to whom Almighty God sent Noah. From Ibn ʿAbbas, it has been narrated that at the time of Noah, the human population had increased and there was no prophet to forbid them from evil deeds. The people of that time used to do forbidden acts such as prostitution and wine drinking [fol. 11b:] and they persisted in their disbelief and rebellion. Also some salaf (i.e. people of the previous generations) have narrated that the period between Adam and Noah was ten centuries, and in those years, there were generations of people who worshipped God correctly, except for the century when God sent Noah among them. In the history of Tabari, it is said that Almighty God sent Noah to Bivarasb (i.e. the appellative of Zahhak) and his people. Historians believe that Bivarasb was Zoroastrian, but some say that he was one of the Sabians (i.e. one of the Abrahamic religions mentioned in the Qurʾan). Indians say that he was an idolater, and this belief is correct because the glorious Qurʾan says: Noah said, “My Lord, indeed they have disobeyed me and followed him whose wealth and children will not increase him except in loss. And they conspired an immense conspiracy. And said, ‘Never leave your gods and never leave Wadd or Suwaʿ or Yaghuth and Yaʿuq and Nasr.’ And already they have misled many. And, [my Lord], do not increase the wrongdoers except in error” [Qurʾan 71:21–24]. Wadd, Suwaʿ, Yaghuth, Yaʿuq and Nasr are the names of idols that Noah’s people worshipped. God the Perfectly Wise sent Noah with his message when the earth had

Translation of the Illustrated Episodes

227

become a place of idols, and the darkness of their atheism had cast a veil over the lights of truth. Exalted God says, “Indeed, We sent Noah to his people, [saying], ‘Warn your people before there comes to them a painful punishment’ ” [Qurʾan 71:1]. He led the competent people onto the straight path and brought them out from the darkness of their atheism. Almighty God declared: He said, “O my people, indeed I am to you a clear warner, [Saying], ‘Worship Allah, fear Him and obey me’ ” [Qurʾan 71:2–3]. Noah invited his people to God, begging them, but they remained arrogant and persisted in their refusal. He admonished them day and night, secretly and publicly, but his people turned away and refused to obey. The fathers brought their teenage children to Noah and admonished them, “This man is a wizard and impostor; when I die, you won’t believe him.” Noah’s wife was an unbeliever, so that in the glorious Qurʾan it is mentioned, “Allah presents an example of those who disbelieved: the wife of Noah and the wife of Lot” [Qurʾan 66:10]. Noah was patient in all of these adversities. It is said that he was named Nuh for his numerous niyahat (i.e. dirge and lament), and that his name was Samak ibn Lamik, ibn Mitushilkh, ibn Ikhnukh (Idris). He urged them to ask God to forgive them so that, “He will send [rain from] the sky upon you in showers and increase you in strength” [Qurʾan 11:52], and then “give you increase in wealth and children and provide for you gardens and provide for you rivers” [Qurʾan 71:12]. However, they thrust the fingers of arrogance into their sinful ears. After a while, Noah despaired from them to believe, so he prayed to God, “And indeed, every time I invited them that You may forgive them, they put their fingers in their ears, covered themselves with their garments, persisted, and were arrogant with [great] arrogance” [Qurʾan 71:7]. He endured their mockery and taunts for nine hundred and fifty years. The Wise Informer has announced, “and he remained among them a thousand years minus fifty years” [Qurʾan 29:14]. He was commanded to “Warn [his] people before there comes to them a painful punishment” [Qurʾan 71:7]. When Noah warned the people, they protested and said, “O Noah, you have disputed us and been frequent in dispute of us. So bring us what you threaten us, if you should be of the truthful” [Qurʾan 11:32]. “If you are truthful, bring upon us what you threaten us of chastisem*nt, so that it will befall us.” Noah (pbuh), after he could bear their insistence on sins no more, turned to God with heartfelt supplication and said, “My Lord, do not leave upon the earth from among the disbelievers an inhabitant” [Qurʾan 71:26]. “O Lord, who are the Subduer of the arrogant powers; it is the time to cleanse the gardens of seven territories (aqalim-i sabʿa) from the vice of this foul fearless people [fol. 12a:] with the water of Your power.” When Noah complained to Exalted God seeking assistance, Almighty God revealed to him, “And construct the ship under Our observation and Our inspiration and do not address Me concerning those who have wronged; indeed, they are [to be] drowned” [Qurʾan 11:37]. Noah was commanded to plant many teak trees and to wait forty years for the trees to grow. So Noah recognized that his people have a respite period of forty years.

228

Appendix 1

During that period, he also invited them to God until the trees grew. Noah did not know when the punishment would come, so Gabriel came to him and revealed, “[So it was], until when Our command came and the oven overflowed” [Qurʾan 11:40]. When the oven gushed forth water, the appointed time for Our chastisem*nt would have come to pass. After this annunciation, He instructed him to build the Ark. Thus, he cut the trees and started to build the Ark with a construction of planks and nails in the way that he was guided. Almighty God declared, “And We carried him on a [construction of ] planks and nails, Sailing under Our observation as reward for he who had been denied” [Qurʾan 54:13–14]. On the time that Noah was building the Ark, the disbelievers mocked and laughed, saying he had learned carpentry after the prophecy. The letter of mercy announces, “And whenever an assembly of the eminent of his people passed by him, they ridiculed him” [Qurʾan 11:38]. And the patient prophet answered briefly, “If you ridicule us, then we will ridicule you just as you ridicule. And you are going to know who will get a punishment” [Qurʾan 11:38–39]. The ship was then constructed with three storeys, eighty gaz (i.e. measurement unit equal to about one meter) length, fifty gaz width and thirty gaz height. Qatada says that its length was three hundred gaz and fifty gaz width and thirty gaz height, while Hassan says that its length was one thousand and two hundred gaz and six hundred gaz width. The knowledge is only with God. When the Ark was built, Exalted God revealed to him: [So it was], until when Our command came and the oven overflowed, We said, “Load upon the ship of each [creature] two mates and your family, except those about whom the word has preceded, and [include] whoever has believed.” But none had believed with him, except a few [Qurʾan 11:40]. Noah lived in present day Kufa. One day when his wife was baking bread, the water gushed forth from the oven. Noah, with this divine sign, entered the Ark with his family and the believers. [Painting in both Hazine 1653 and the dispersed manuscript] Ibn ʿAbbas says that there were eighty believers in the Ark, one from Noah’s [family] and the others were descendants of Seth. Qatada says that they were Noah, his wife and his three sons: Shem (Sam), Ham and Japheth (Yafth), each with their wives. From Noah’s family there were these eight people and others were the believers of Noah. However, Aʿmash does not mention Noah’s wife and says that there were seven people. According to the command, they took with them a pair of domestic animals of every kind, wild animals and birds. “Load upon the ship of each [creature] two mates” [Qurʾan 11:40].

Translation of the Illustrated Episodes

229

One of the sons of Noah who was named Kanʿan for his extreme ingratitude, did not obey his father. Fatherly affection compelled Noah to admonish his son, “O my son, come aboard with us and be not with the disbelievers” [Qurʾan 11:42]. However, the mind of his son was filled with atheism and he refused to go on board, [fol. 12b:] saying, “I will take refuge on a mountain to protect me from the water” [Qurʾan 11:43]. Noah said, “There is no protector today from the decree of Allah, except for whom He gives mercy” [Qurʾan 11:43]. Kanʿan went from the lowland to the mountain peak, and it is said that he had a small child that he carried on his back. When the water reached his mouth, he put the child under his feet and bitterly abandoned a sweet life. Noah bewailed and said, “My Lord, indeed my son is of my family; and indeed, Your promise is true; and You are the most just of judges!” [Qurʾan 11:45]. Noah humbly asked for his son’s rescue. He was told, “Indeed he is not of your family; indeed, he is [one whose] work was other than righteous” [Qurʾan 11:46]. Noah abandoned his impious son, asked for forgiveness, and said, “My Lord, I seek refuge in You from asking that of which I have no knowledge. And unless You forgive me and have mercy upon me, I will be among the losers” [Qurʾan 11:47]. It has been narrated that when Noah was loading the animals into the Ark, Iblis attached himself to a donkey’s tail, so that it could not move. Noah said, “O accursed, go in!” Iblis embarked upon the Ark together with the donkey. Noah said to Iblis, “Why did you get in?” He replied, “I came with your decree that you said, ‘O accursed, go in!’ ” The bottom floor of the Ark was filled with the animals, the middle storey with the humans, and the upper storey with the birds. The circles of the heaven were commanded to shower rain, which had aggregated from the vapor particles. Then We opened the gates of the heaven with rain pouring down and caused the earth to burst with springs, and the waters met for a matter already predestined [Qurʾan 54:11–12]. Water gushed from the cracks of the earth and continued pouring from the sky. The seas and waves invaded the land. Those who were ungrateful drowned in the stormy waves and with great suffering went from the way of water to the fire of hell. It is said that it lasted one week from the time that the water gushed forth from the oven, till the time the Ark floated on the water. Gabriel the Honest was commanded to bring the Bayt al-maʿmur1 (i.e. Frequented House), which was made of red ruby, to the fourth sky, and also to bring the Hajar al-aswad (Black Stone) to the mountain of Abu Qubays. The Hajar al-aswad was there until Abraham (pbuh) built the house 1 Bayt al-Ma‘mur is of the same size as the Kaʿba, which stands right on the top of it in the heaven.

230

Appendix 1

[of Kaʿba] and brought it from the mountain of Abu Qubays to its present location [near the Kaʿba]. When anxiety grew in the Ark and everyone was scared of drowning, Gabriel the Honest with the command of Almighty God, came and told them to write around the Ark: “In the name of Allah is its course and its anchorage. Indeed, my Lord is Forgiving and Merciful” [Qurʾan 11:41]. After this annunciation, the turbulence was replaced by quiet, and the Ark sailed and arrived to the house of Kaʿba and circumambulated it seven times. The water level had risen forty cubits (arsh) from high mountains. The Ark sailed to the Maghrib (i.e. Mediterranean Sea) and returned to the Levant (Sham), and it floated on the waters for six months. It is said that it was the tenth day of the month of Rajab, when they went on board, and the Ark landed on the mountain of Judiy on the day of ʿashura. Five months after floating on the waters, the earth was commanded to absorb the water through its cracks and the sky to cease raining. And it was said, “O earth, swallow your water, and O sky, withhold [your rain].” And the water subsided, and the matter was accomplished, and the ship came to rest on the [mountain of] Judiy [Qurʾan 11:44]. It was announced, “O Noah, disembark in security from Us and blessings upon you and upon nations [descending] from those with you” [Qurʾan 11:48]. The mount of Judiy appeared in the water and the Ark rested upon it. Noah and the believers disem‑ barked, to find the flood had cleansed the earth of idolatry and disbelievers. Noah said, “Praise to Allah who has saved us from the wrongdoing people” [Qurʾan 23:28]. It has been said that two types of creatures were created in the Ark – pig and cat. Concerning the reason, it is said that when the dung of the animals became excessive, Noah prayed and Exalted God inspired him to tickle the back of the elephant. When he did so, a pig fell down and consumed the dung. When the number of rats increased, and they gnawed the food and the Ark, Noah was inspired to tickle the back of the lion. A cat came out from its nose and ate the rats. When they disembarked, they were on the mountain for forty days until the water was swallowed by the earth completely. Noah sent forth a crow to see if there was dry land, [fol. 13a:] but the crow stopped to feast on the carrion and did not return; so Noah cursed it. He also sent out a dove to search for dry land. The dove went and sat on the earth and put her feet in the water. The feathers of her feet were lost by the bitterness of the water, and the soles of her feet became red from the water of chastisem*nt. The dove came back, and Noah blessed her to become a friend of mankind. Thus, Noah and the people came on the land, and in the hillside of the mountain built their houses, and today that location is named Suq al-hamanin. Noah lived three

Translation of the Illustrated Episodes

231

hundred years after the flood, but some say that he lived eighty years after the flood. In addition, there are variances about the lifespan of Noah ranging from nine hundred and fifty years to one thousand and six hundred years. It is said that Noah was asked at the moment of death, “How did you find life?” He replied, “Like a house with two doors; I entered one of them and came out of the other.” The human generation is from those eighty people, and most of the renowned people are from the generation of Noah’s three sons: Shem, Japheth and Ham. All of the ahl-i kitab (i.e. people of the book) confess to Noah’s flood. The people of Majus (i.e. Zoroastrians), and the people of India and Khatay (i.e. China) deny the flood. The Majus people say from the time of Kayumars, who was Adam in their belief, no generation was interrupted. Some say that the flood was in the land of Babylon, and in the belief of Muslims, the flood was over all the earth. Almighty God about the people of Noah (pbuh), declared, “Indeed, they were a people of evil, so We drowned them, all together” [Qurʾan 21:77]. In another place, He declares, “And We made his descendants those remaining [on the earth]” [Qurʾan 37:77].

Salih and the People of Thamud

[fol. 29b:] Thamud was one of the descendants of Shem, the son of Noah. It is said about his lineage that he was Thamud ibn Hathir, ibn Iram, ibn Sam, ibn Nuh. The descendants of Thamud were increased in number, and because of their abundant wealth, joyfulness, and numerous livestock, they became arrogant. They lived in the land of Hijr that belongs to Arabia and it is located at the border of the Levant. Almighty God sent Salih to them but they denied him. Exalted God declared, “And certainly did the companions of Hijr deny the messengers” [Qurʾan 15:80]. Nowadays, the land of Hijr is observable. When the Prophet Muhammad – peace and blessing be upon him, was going to the battle of Tabuk, he passed from there and informed his companions that there was the location of Thamud. [fol. 30a:] He prevented them from entering the valley and drinking water there. He showed them the mount that the calf went into it, and the location that the camel used to drink water. Salih was from those people. Almighty God said, “And We had certainly sent to Thamud their brother Salih” [Qurʾan 27:45]. About the lineage of Salih some have said: Salih ibn ʿUbayd, ibn Asif, ibn Masih, ibn ʿUbayd, ibn Hadir, ibn Thamud; and also it is said, Asif ibn Kamashij, ibn Iram, ibn Thamud; and also it has been said: Salih ibn ʿUbayd, ibn Jathim, ibn Thamud, ibn ʿAd, ibn ʿUs, ibn Iram, ibn Sam, ibn Nuh. Salih invited the people of Thamud to God, saying, “O my people, worship Allah; you have no deity other than Him” [Qurʾan 27:45]. “You should thank God for all your bounties and blessings; and ask His forgiveness.” The people of Thamud doubted his

232

Appendix 1

words, and beseeched him, “If you are right, in your prayer ask your Lord to bring a huge camel out of the rock of Samma.” Salih said, “If this task is difficult for you, it is easy for Almighty God.” Thus, Salih with the command of the Wisest Lord went to a high place and prayed. [Painting in the dispersed manuscript] Suddenly, a whining sound arose from the rock, like the whining of the pregnant at the time of childbirth. Among the pieces of the rigid stone came forth a wonderful shecamel, with the same characteristics that they had asked. At the same moment, she gave birth to a calf, nearly as big as herself. When they saw that miracle done by Salih, the leaders of the tribe of Jidhʿ ibn ʿAmr and some people believed in Salih’s prophethood, while others continued to reject him, and attributed the miracle to magic. Their denial caused anxiety and loss of their wealth. The people of Thamud had a small spring that their livestock used to drink from its water. When the she-camel came to the spring, she drank till it turned dry. They became helpless and asked Salih to dedicate the water one day to the she-camel, and the next day to their children and livestock. So that Almighty God informs, “This is a she-camel. For her is a [time of ] drink, and for you is a [time of ] drink, [each] on a known day” [Qurʾan 26:155]. They spent some time in this manner. The she-camel lived thirty years among the people of Thamud, and her calf grew up. Almighty God revealed [to Salih] that they would kill the she-camel; and when she would be killed, the punishment of Almighty God would destroy them. Salih informed the people about the message. They said, “Inform us who will kill the she-camel that we kill him.” Salih said, “A servant with red cheeks and green eyes who is not born yet.” They commissioned two wet nurses to announce them the birth of children with these characteristics. Thus, they killed every newborn baby with these characteristics, and the parents of those babies were helpless. They became Salih’s enemy. Among them, was a group of corrupters who banded together to kill Salih. As Almighty God informs, “And there were in the city nine family heads causing corruption in the land and not amending [its affairs]” [Qurʾan 27:48]. Afterwards, a baby of the elder of the tribe, Saluf, was born with the same characteristics that Salih had foretold. The people of Thamud gathered and said, “Salih has bewitched us, and no one will kill the she-camel.” Thus, they did not kill any more children and named Saluf’s son Qudar. When Qudar was aged twenty, nine men banded together to kill Salih. They did not inform their people, and told them that they were going on a journey. Thus, they departed from the town with the intention to hide themselves. As Almighty God tells: They said, “Take a mutual oath by Allah that we will kill him by night, he and his family. Then we will say to his executor, ‘We did not witness the destruction of his family, and indeed, we are truthful’ ” [Qurʾan 27:49]. Almighty God said, “And they planned a plan, and We planned a plan, while they perceived not” [Qurʾan 27:50].

Translation of the Illustrated Episodes

233

They left the town, hid themselves under a rock, and planned to kill Salih at night. Almighty God moved the rock at night and it fell upon them, and all of them died underneath it. Almighty God declared, “Then look how was the outcome of their plan – that We destroyed them and their people, all” [Qurʾan 27:51]. Thus, someone who passed there saw them dead underneath the rock. He went and informed the people. The people came there and disbelieved Salih, accusing him to have killed those men. They said that they would kill the she-camel. It is said that Qudar ibn Saluf sat among a group who drank wine. They requested water, but they were replied, “Today the water is for the she-camel, not yours.” So they laid a plot to kill the she-camel. Some says that among those people, there were two beautiful women, whose names were Qutam and Qabal. Qudar loved the first one and Masdaʿ loved the latter. The women said to Qudar and Masdaʿ, “You do not have any way to us, unless you kill the she-camel.” They agreed to kill the she-camel. Thus, they gathered with their companions and came to the camel. The camel was drinking water, and her calf was standing behind her. Qudar struck camel’s leg with a sword and she fell to the ground. He decided to go to the calf but it escaped and went to the mount from which its mother had come forth. Salih was informed that they killed the camel. He came and said to the people that the punishment would come. The people regretted and feared the punishment and said to Salih, “What should we do now?” Salih said, “Look at the mount. If the calf turns back to you, the punishment will not come.” The people went to the mount. [fol. 30b:] When the calf saw Salih and the people it groaned three times and went. The people followed it and could not find it. Salih said, “Be ready for the punishment. The three groans mean that you have a respite time of three days. Your faces will turn to yellow on the first day, red on the second day, black on the third day and on the fourth day the punishment of Almighty God will come.” Almighty God declared, “Enjoy yourselves in your homes for three days. That is a promise not to be denied” [Qurʾan 11:65]. On the first day, their faces became yellow, second day red and third day black. They knew that the punishment would come, but they did not know from which side would come out and what kind it would be. Suddenly a terrible shriek was heard and all destroyed from fear. Almighty God said, “And the shriek seized those who had wronged, and they became within their homes [corpses] fallen prone” [Qurʾan 11:67]. None of those people survived except for Salih and those who had believed in him. One of them, whose name was Ivar Ghal, was in Mecca and when this news reached him, he died there. Afterwards Salih went to the Levant and dwelled in Palestine. Then he moved to Mecca and lived there till his death. After Salih there was no prophet until Abraham (pbuh) but many kings ruled up to Kanʿan ibn Kush and his son Namrud (Nimrod). The Jews say that the stories of Hud, Thamud and Salih are not in Torah, and they also deny the prophethood of Abraham and Jesus.

234 4

Appendix 1

The Story of Abraham: From the Birth up to the Beginning of the Migration

[fol. 30b:] Exalted God declared, “And mention in the Book [the story of ] Abraham. Indeed, he was a man of truth and a prophet” [Qurʾan 19:41]. His genealogy was Ibrahim ibn Tarikh,2 ibn Nahur, ibn Sarugh, ibn Arghu, ibn Faligh, ibn ʿAbir, ibn Shalih, ibn Qinan, ibn Arfakhshand, ibn Sam, ibn Nuh (Noah) – peace be upon them. There are disagreements among the historians about the birthplace of Abraham (pbuh). Some say that he was born in Susa in the land of Ahvaz, others say Babylon, Harran, Kuwthi which is one of the villages of Babylon, and still others say that he was born in Istakhr of Fars, a region that is called Abar Kuh, from a village that is named Andazin. However, all are unanimous that he was born at the time of Namrud (Nimrod) ibn Kanʿan ibn Kush ibn Ham. Nimrod, Kanʿan and Kush were all idolator and oppressive. Nimrod was the most ruthless among them. Some say that Nimrod was an operative of Zahhak. However, most of the predecessors believe that he was a king. Ibn Ishaq says that his court was in Babylon and he ruled over all the earth. It is said that there were three kings who ruled over the entire earth: Nimrod, Solomon and Alexander. There was no prophet between Noah and Abraham, except for Hud and Salih. Nimrod had golden idols and a great butkhana (house of idols). Abraham’s father, Tarikh, was a guard of the house of idols. When the time of Abraham’s birth approached, the priests and astronomers informed Nimrod that a boy would be born who would bring a new religion, would break the idols, and at his hands, the destruction of his reign would occur. Nimrod ordered to kill all the male newborn babies. He also ordered to gather the pregnant women in order to kill their newborn sons. At the time of her delivery, Abraham’s mother went to a cave outside the city in night, and Abraham was born there. She wrapped the baby in swaddling clothes and fostered him. Then she put a rock at the cave’s entrance, entrusted him to God, and came back home. Abraham’s father said, “I wish our baby would be a girl that the king would not kill it.” The mother said, “A boy was born, he died, and I buried him.” The father said, “You did well,” and he believed in her words. The following day, the mother went to the cave and thought that her child was dead. But when she arrived there, she found him alive sucking his finger. He grew as much each day, as much as he would have grown in a month. He was there for eleven months; but some say for eleven years and some say for eighteen years. And God knows best. 2 According to the Qurʾan, the name of Abraham’s father was Azar (Qurʾan 6:74), but by some of the Muslim scholars he was identified with the Biblical Terah (Genesis 11:26). See Haj Manuchihri, “Isrāʾīlīyyāt,” 293. However, Hafiz-i Abru has also brought the name of Azar in the text.

Translation of the Illustrated Episodes

235

[fol. 31a:] Afterwards his mother brought him to the father and said, “He is our child.” Almighty God cast Abraham’s affection to his father’s heart; and his father trained him until he grew up. Abraham (pbuh) contemplated the guilds and the segments of his society and found a group worshiping idols and a group adoring luminous celestial bodies. So that each group sought its felicity and misery in trinity and quaternary, proximity and remoteness, and rise and fall of the stars. Abraham began his invitation with his own family, and at first, said to his father, “O my father, why do you worship that which does not hear and does not see and will not benefit you at all?” [Qurʾan 19:42]. He asked him why he worshipped lifeless idols who were devoid of senses. He said, “O my father, indeed there has come to me of knowledge that which has not come to you, so follow me; I will guide you to an even path” [Qurʾan 19:43]. His father said, “When we go out of Nimrod’s dominion, I will believe in you.” In the meanwhile, Azar died; and his brother, Hazar, with the decree of Nimrod became the guard of the house of idols. Abraham thought how to invite Nimrod to God, until the feast day came. According to their tradition, they used to go out of the town all together on the feast day, except for those who were sick. On the feast day, Hazar asked Abraham to join them. Abraham said, “I feel sick and I cannot come.” So that the glorious Qurʾan announces, “And he cast a look at the stars and said, ‘Indeed, I am [about to be] ill’ ” [Qurʾan 37:88–89]. The people used to go to the idols, where they prostrated before them on the feast day. They used to put their food in front of the idols saying, “It was blessed” and then ate. Abraham saw them and said, “[I swear] by Allah, I will surely plan against your idols after you have turned and gone away” [Qurʾan 21:57]. One or two persons heard his talk but ignored him. Hazar delivered the key of the house of idols to Abraham and asked him to protect the house; and he himself went to the location of the feast. Thus, Abraham took an axe, went to the house of idols, and smashed all of them except for the largest one. He left it intact and hung the axe on its neck. Almighty God said, “So he made them into fragments, except a large one among them, that they might return to it [and question]” [Qurʾan 21:58]. When the people returned from the desert and saw what had happened to the idols, [fol. 31b:] they were in turmoil and informed Nimrod. Then Nimrod came to the house of idols and all the people gathered and said, “Who has done this to our gods? Indeed, he is of the wrongdoers” [Qurʾan 21:59]. The two persons, having heard Abraham utter those words – that “[I swear] by Allah, I will surely plan against your idols after you have turned and gone away” [Qurʾan 21:57] – came to Nimrod and said, “We heard a young man mention them who is called Abraham” [Qurʾan 21:60]. Almighty God said, “They said, ‘then bring him before the eyes of the people that they may testify’” [Qurʾan 21:61]. Nimrod summoned him and said, “ ‘Have you done this to our gods, O Abraham?’ He said, ‘Rather, this – the largest of them – did it, so ask them, if they should [be able to] speak’ ” [Qurʾan 21:62–63]. Although Nimrod was a pagan, he pretended that he was just and he used to speak logically. He said in answer, “You have

236

Appendix 1

already known that these do not speak!” [Qurʾan 21:65]. Then, Abraham told them, “Why do you worship the objects that cannot speak and neither profit you nor harm you?” Exalted God narrated, “Then do you worship instead of Allah that which does not benefit you at all or harm you?” [Qurʾan 21:66]. According to his answer, they realized that he had smashed the idols. Abraham revealed his prophethood, invited the people to God, and proscribed them from idolatry. Thus, the people said him, “Do you avert us from what our fathers had worshipped?” Abraham said, “Your fathers have been in error.” Almighty God declared, “Have you not considered the one who argued with Abraham about his Lord [merely] because Allah had given him kingship?” [Qurʾan 2:258]. Abraham said, “My Lord is He who gives life and causes to die.” Nimrod said, “I give life and cause death too.” Therefore, he ordered to bring two prisoners, killed one, and said, “I gave death to life.” He sat the other free and said, “He had deserved to be killed, but I gave life to him.” Abraham (pbuh) declared, “So the disbeliever was overwhelmed [by astonishment], and Allah does not guide the wrongdoing people” [Qurʾan 2:258]. Thus, Nimrod and his companions decided to burn Abraham (pbuh) and to vindicate the idols, which he had smashed. Exalted God declared, “They said, ‘Burn him and support your gods” [Qurʾan 21:68]. Nimrod commanded his people to build a great structure with high walls in a big garden. Almighty God declared, “They said, ‘construct for him a furnace and throw him into the burning fire’ ” [Qurʾan 37:97]. Nimrod ordered all the citizens to collect firewood for burning Abraham and told them, “I do not want any service from you, except for collecting firewood and I have set you free to worship idols.” It was so that the people who had a need avowed that if their problems were solved, they would collect some kharvar (i.e. unit of weight equal to three hundred kilograms) of firewood. It is said that he kept Abraham in chains for two years, and also more than two years have been narrated. They collected firewood and ignited it. The fire was so hot that nothing could go closer than one farsang (i.e. unit of measurement for how far a man can walk in one day) to it, and no bird could fly in its sky. Thus, he commanded Abraham to be thrown into the fire, but no one could approach the fire. He summoned the sages and said, “Make a plan for I want to throw Abraham into the fire and one cannot approach it.” Therefore, they invented the catapult; and no one had made a catapult before. He summoned carpenters and they build the catapult. When its construction was finished, they put a rock in the catapult and threw it into the middle of fire. Thus, Nimrod ordered the hands and feet of Abraham (pbuh) to be chained and to throw him [Painting in Hazine 1653] into the fire with the catapult. Nimrod himself attended the scene and watched. In that time, the heavens, angels, earth, mountains and trees whined. Almighty God sent Gabriel (pbuh) to Abraham and said, “Help him if he asks you for help.” Thus, at the

Translation of the Illustrated Episodes

237

time of being thrown, Gabriel came to Abraham and said, “Is there anything you wish for?” Abraham replied, “Nothing from you. When He knows my situation, why should I ask for assistance?” When Abraham descended into the fire, God’s grace and mercy [fol. 32a:] turned the heat of the fire to a garden. [God said,] “O fire, be coolness and safety upon Abraham” [Qurʾan 21:69]. The scholars of exegesis about the fine words of “coolness and safety (bard-an wa salaman)” have said, that if the fire had been addressed only with “coolness,” it would have become extremely cold and would harm Abraham. But the Merciful Lord made use of His fine plans of creation. Nimrod wanted to be aware of Abraham’s condition. The scout went to a high location and saw Abraham sitting on the munificence’s throne. He said, “O Abraham, who has protected you from the fire?” Abraham said, “God Who has created fire protected me.” He said, “O Abraham, come out of the fire.” When Abraham walked on the burning embers, Nimrod wondered and said, “O Abraham, you have a great God who is worthy of your worship.” Nimrod went to his house and admitted no one for the next ten days. He wanted to believe in Almighty God. Thus, he called Abraham and said, “I want to sacrifice for God.” Abraham said, “My God will not accept your sacrifice, if you do not believe in me and do not give up idolatry.” He said, “I cannot give up the idols but I will sacrifice.” He ordered to sacrifice four thousand cows; but Almighty God did not accept. Some of Nimrod’s companions believed in Abraham but they concealed it because of their fear from Nimrod. Lut ibn Haran who was Abraham’s nephew believed in him; and Sara, Abraham’s cousin believed in him. The father of Sara was Haran al-Akbar; and also it is said that Sara was a daughter of the king of Harran. It is narrated that Gabriel (pbuh) delivered a message from Almighty God to Abraham that, “Go to Nimrod and say if he believes in Oneness of God and His apostle, the worldly kingdom will remain for him; and if he does not believe, God’s punishment will destroy him and his tribe.” When Abraham (pbuh) delivered the message, Nimrod said, “I am god and the people should believe in me. Where is your God that I believe in Him?” Abraham said, “Our eyes cannot see God, but the manifestations of His power are visible.” He debated as mentioned before till Nimrod was unable to answer and said, “O Abraham, you have destroyed my kingdom. Go out from my country. Wherever you will be, your God will protect you.”

Abraham Sacrifices His Son

[fol. 35a:] It is narrated that Abraham made a vow to sacrifice his son for God, if he were to have one. When Ishmael (Ismaʿil) was ten years old and Isaac (Ishaq) was five years old, he was shown in a dream that he needed to fulfill his vow. There are disagreements between commentators that the sacrificed was Ishmael or Isaac, but the majority of

238

Appendix 1

them agree that it was Ishmael. From the Prophet Muhammad (pbuh), it has been narrated that he stated, “I am the son of two sacrificed persons.” He mentioned Ishmael and his father ʿAbd-Allah. God willing, its mention will be brought later. Almighty God declared: And when they had both submitted and he put him down upon his forehead, We called to him, “O Abraham, You have fulfilled the vision.” Indeed, We thus reward the doers of good. Indeed, this was the clear trial. And We ransomed him with a great sacrifice. [Qurʾan 37:103–107] Abraham wanted to sacrifice his son but God gave him a kabash (i.e. a two-years-old ram) to sacrifice instead. Thus, God blessed him and counted him as righteous and beneficent, and said, “And We gave him good tidings of Isaac, a prophet from among the righteous” [Qurʾan 37:112]. About the reason of sending down this verse (aya), it is said that Abraham addressed the son, whether he was Ishmael or Isaac, and said, “O my son, indeed I have seen in a dream that I [must] sacrifice you” [Qurʾan 37:102]; and he said those words when he had brought his son to the place of sacrifice. It is narrated that when Abraham decided to sacrifice his son, he said to the son’s mother, “Dispatch this son with me to go to the mountain for gathering firewood.” He took a knife and a rope with himself. Iblis was anguished by Abraham’s intention and truth, and came to Hajar [Abraham’s wife] in the form of an old man and said, “Abraham deceived your son and he has taken a knife and a rope to kill him.” She said, “Indeed you are Iblis, saying God’s prophet wants to kill his son.” Iblis said, “He says that it is God’s command.” Hajar said, “If God commands, I will obey.” When Iblis despaired of deceiving Hajar, he came to the son and said, “O son, your father wants to kill you.” The son said, “Perhaps you are the devil?” Iblis said, “He says that it is God’s command.” The son said, “I am perfectly obedient to God.” When Iblis also despaired of deceiving the son, he came to Abraham and said, “Have you decided to kill your son because of a dream? If you kill him, you will be guilty.” Abraham realized that he was Iblis, and said, “O enemy of God, get away, lest with your temptation I won’t disobey God’s command.” Thus, Iblis was disappointed and went back. Abraham went up the mountain. He sat down, embraced his son, brought out the knife from his robe, and cried. The son said, “What has happened, and what is that knife?” The father said, “O my son, indeed I have seen in a dream that I [must] sacrifice you, so see what you think.” He said, “O my father, do as you are commanded. You will find me, if Allah wills, of the steadfast” [Qurʾan 37:102]. He said, “O my father, do that to which you are commanded.” The father said, “How could you endure under the knife?” He replied, “God willing, you will find me one of the patient ones.” Thus, his son cried and said, “O my father, if you had told me at home, I would have bidden farewell to my mother.” Afterwards he said, “Tie my hands and legs with this rope so that I do not

Translation of the Illustrated Episodes

239

move about. Hold your robe away from me when you decapitate me, lest my blood splash it, and lest my mother see it. Do not postpone the command of Almighty God, that we will be guilty.” The father fastened his hands and legs and laid him face down upon his forehead to be sacrificed. Exalted God declared, “And when they had both submitted and he put him down upon his forehead” [Qurʾan 37:103]. He placed the knife on the son’s nape and pushed it, but the knife turned upside down. Abraham wondered, [fol. 35b:] and then the son said, “Why do you postpone it?” Abraham said, “I saw a strange thing. The knife turned upside down.” The son said, “You are mistaken.” Again, he attempted. Almighty God sent Gabriel to bring a kabash from Paradise: a white sheep with black eyes, four black legs and big horns. Gabriel, holding the kabash, came to the mountain and stood. Abraham placed the knife on the son’s neck and pushed it with greater pressure, but the knife folded in two, and would not cut. [Painting in both Hazine 1653 and the dispersed manuscript] Abraham wondered and the son said, “Why do you postpone it? I am afraid that we would disobey.” When Abraham repaired the knife and placed it again on the son’s neck, Exalted God revealed: “You have fulfilled the vision” [Qurʾan 37:105]. “O Abraham, you have shown the truth of the dream and you have fulfilled your vow.” When Abraham heard those words, he began to tremble and the knife fell from his hand. Gabriel said, “Allahu akbar, Allahu akbar” (“God is Greatest”). When Abraham saw the ram, said, “La ilaha illa Allah wa Allahu akbar” (“there is no deity except God, and God is greatest”). Abraham said to the son, “Stand up; Exalted God will make a way out for you.” Thus, he stood up, saw Gabriel and the ram, and said, “Allahu akbar wa lillah-i al-hamd.” (“God is greatest and all praise be to God”). It is narrated that these three takbirs (i.e. the Arabic term for the phrase Allau akbar), which people say in ʿid al-adha (i.e. Feast of the Sacrifice), are those takbirs that Abraham, Ishmael and Gabriel had said. Whoever recites these words a lot on that day [ʿid al-adha], he will be interceded by these three persons on the day of resurrection. It has been narrated that when Abraham (pbuh) wanted to take the ram to sacrifice instead of Ishmael, the ram escaped and arrived at the mountain of Mina. It is said that Abraham threw a stone at the ram, at the location of stoning on the hajj. The ram stood in the place where now the pilgrims on the hajj do sacrifices, and where Abraham grabbed the ram and sacrificed it. Exalted God said, “And We ransomed him with a great sacrifice” [Qurʾan 37:107]. Almighty God made a great concession of intervening ( fida) to prevent the disastrous slaughter which Abraham was about to commit. The tradition of sacrifice remained for Abraham. Exalted God declared, “Indeed, this was the clear trial” [Qurʾan 37:106]. It was a great test when he was commanded to sacrifice his son, so he hastened to do it, in submission to the command of God. Thus, God blessed him and Ishmael was ransomed with a ram, and Almighty God said, “Indeed, We thus reward the doers of good” [Qurʾan 37:110].

240 6

Appendix 1

Concerning Jacob

[fol. 37b:] When Isaac (Ishaq) died, Jacob (Yaʿqub) feared Esau (ʿIs) because Esau had ill feelings towards him so that Jacob fled from him. He hid himself by day and came out at night. In this way, some time passed and Jacob could not live in Canaan. His mother, Rufa bint Bethuel ibn Nahur ibn Tarikh, in fear of the threats of Esau, said to Jacob, “My brother, Laban who lives in the land of Levant (Sham) has some daughters and he is very wealthy. Your father had said to marry one of his daughters. Go to the Levant, marry his daughter and stay there so that a danger does not threaten your life.” Jacob departed Canaan at night and he is called ʾIsra‌ʾil because in Arabic language, ʾisra means “to journey at night.” He migrated and escaped from his brother to a safe place. Jacob arrived at his uncle Laban. It is said that Laban, who was a prophet, had two daughters: Leah (Liya) and Rachel (Rahil). The younger daughter was named Rachel, who was more beautiful than her sister. Jacob asked his uncle, that he wished to marry Rachel and said, “My father had made a will that I marry your daughter.” His uncle said, “You see how rich am I, and you are deprived of wealth. How do I let you marry my daughter, while you are unable to pay the dowry?” Jacob said, “O my uncle, I have no property, but I can work for you and the wage of my shepherding will be the dowry of your daughter.” Laban agreed and asked him, “Which girl do you want?” He said, “Rachel.” So he agreed with the condition; and Jacob worked for him as a shepherd for seven years. After seven years, he asked him if he could now marry his daughter. He gave Leah, the elder daughter, in marriage to Jacob at night. When morning came, Jacob went to his uncle and said, “I do not want this daughter. I was engaged to Rachel.” His uncle said, “It is not our tradition to marry the younger daughter before the elder daughter. If you love the other daughter, work another seven years and I will let you marry her.” At the time of Abraham (pbuh), it was acceptable for a man to marry to two sisters. At the time of Moses, it was prohibited in Torah, and also it has been banned in the Gospel. In the Qurʾan it has been declared, “Prohibited to you [ for marriage] two sisters simultaneously, except for what has already occurred” [Qurʾan 4:23]. Jacob worked another seven years. When his uncle knew that both daughters would marry Jacob, he donated him a great herd, and Jacob became wealthy. [fol. 38a:] Both daughters came to the house of Jacob, and he dwelled in the land of Levant for another seven years. The elder sister, Leah, gave birth to six sons. The eldest son was named Rueben (Rubil), after whom there were Simon (Shamʿun), Judah (Yahuda), Levi (Lawi), Zebulun (Zibalun) and Issachar (Yisakar). Rachel was barren. She gave her beautiful handmaid, Zilpah (Zilfa), to Jacob and said, “You will not have a child from me. Maybe you will have a child from this handmaid.” The handmaid gave birth to two sons whose names were Gad (Jad) and Asher

Translation of the Illustrated Episodes

241

(Ashir). Leah gave also her handmaid, Filha, to Jacob. The handmaid gave birth to two sons: Dan (Darim) and Naphtali (Habayil). Therefore, Jacob had ten sons. Afterwards, Rachel gave birth to a son, and named him Joseph (Yusuf). Although Joseph was younger than his ten brothers, he was handsome and his father loved him more than the other children. Jacob lived in the Levant for twenty-one years and became rich. He wanted to go to Canaan. His mother and brother lived in Canaan. Esau wished also to see Jacob. Thus, Jacob asked his uncle, Laban, to let him go to visit his family. His uncle allowed him and gave him extra possessions. Jacob with two wives, two mothers of the children, eleven sons, riches and numerous livestock and servants proceeded to Canaan. He was still afraid of Esau. They approached Canaan and stopped at a location up to a day’s journey away. Esau had gone out of the town for hunting. When he saw the herd and the crowd, he came and asked, “To whom do these belong?” When Jacob saw his brother concealed himself and said to one of his servants, to tell him that Esau had had a slave in the land of Levant whose name was Jacob and the herd belonged to him. The servant said what he was ordered to say. When Esau heard the name of Jacob, tears rolled down his eyes and said, “Jacob is not a slave but a darling brother.” When Jacob heard Esau’s talk, he came out, embraced him, and they both cried. Esau stayed there that night, and the following day they entered the city of Canaan. A year later, Rachel, the mother of Joseph, gave birth to a son, and named him Benjamin (Binyamin). Thus, the number of Jacob’s sons reached twelve. At the time, Rachel died and Benjamin was brought up by his aunt, Leah. Almighty God gave Jacob prophethood and many people believed in him. Esau was jealous of Jacob’s prophethood and said him, “O Jacob, I have lived here for many years and you have lived in exile. Now I am going to go to exile and you stay here because you are the prophet of these people.” Then he bade farewell to Jacob and went to the land of Rum. Esau had many children who were scattered around the world and none of his descendants was a prophet except for Job (Ayyub) – the patient. About the genealogy of Job, some have said, Job ibn ʿIs, ibn Nahur, ibn Tarikh; [and according to this lineage,] he was a descendent of Abraham’s brother. The knowledge is only with God. Jacob had an older sister whose name was Iliya. She was venerated by Esau, Jacob and all of the tribe. She said to Jacob, “You have many children and I do not have any. Give me one of your children to be my companion.” Jacob said, “Which one do you want?” Iliya chose Joseph and Jacob gave Joseph to her. Jacob loved Joseph more than the other children and whenever he had a wish to see Joseph, he used to go to the house of his sister. After two years, Jacob could not bear being separated from Joseph and asked his sister to give him back. His sister said, “I cannot stand to have him away from me.” Jacob said that it was inevitable and he insisted too much; and his sister still maintained that she could not live without him. Afterwards she requested, “Leave Joseph with me for a week and then I will send him to you.” Jacob accepted.

242

Appendix 1

Jacob’s sister plotted to trick him. According to the shariʿa of Abraham (pbuh) up to the time of Moses (pbuh), if someone stole something, then he would become a servant of the rightful owner for two years. Isaac had a belt that he inherited from Abraham (pbuh), and it was honourable. The belt had come into possession of Jacob’s sister, being the eldest one. She preserved the belt in a box. On the day that she promised to send Joseph over to his father, she took the belt and put it on Joseph under his clothes. She told him not to tell anybody. She came crying to Jacob and said, “The belt of my father Isaac, which was the legacy of Abraham, has been stolen.” Jacob became sad and told to search everyone who had accompanied him. They searched all but did not find it. Jacob told them to search Joseph too. His sister said that he was a child and a child cannot do such an act. Jacob insisted to search him and when they searched him, they found the belt on Joseph. Jacob was embarrassed. [folio 38b:] His sister said, “This servant will serve me for two years.” Therefore, she kept Joseph with this trick. Two years later, she died and Jacob took Joseph back. Joseph was dearer to Jacob than the other children were. This was until Joseph reached the age of twelve. [Painting in Hazine 1653] In the glorious Qurʾan, no story has been narrated in an entire sura except for the sura of Yusuf, which consists of one hundred eleven verses and these verses are about the stories of Jacob and his sons.

‫�خ ن��ه�ا � ��ا ن� � د �ل� ش‬ ‫ ��س‬ �‫ک�� ا ��س� ت‬ ‫� � ی ج پرور‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫��ا��ا ت‬ �‫ ب‬ � ‫خــوا � ت�ا ب�ـــ�د ا �ی‬ ‫� را‬ ‫ح�ــ ک� ی‬

‫ن‬ ‫خ ش‬ ‫��ا��ا ت‬ ‫� ا�ن‬ �‫ی� د ا ��ست��ا � ب��س �و�� ا ��س� ت‬ ‫ح ک� ی‬ ‫آ‬ ‫ ت�ـ�لـــک � �یـــــ�ا ت‬، �‫ا �لـــــــ‬ ‫� را‬ ‫ر‬

The anecdotes of this story are very pleasant. The attractive words that educate the spirit. Read alif, lam, ra, tilka ayat,3 Until you know the anecdotes. About the reason for the revelation of this sura, some have said that one day the commander of the faithful ʿUmar *was discussing with the people of the book about religious affairs and they said, “In the Torah, the story of the beautiful Canaanite is one of the most famous stories and you do not have this story in your book. Why do you consider your book superior to the previous books?”* The commander of the faithful ʿUmar came to the prophet – peace and blessing be upon him, and told him of their sarcasm. At the time, Gabriel came from the Lord of the world and said that Almighty 3 These are the beginning words of the sura of Yusuf.

243

Translation of the Illustrated Episodes

God declared, “In the name of Allah, the Entirely Merciful, the Especially Merciful. Alif, lam, ra. These are the verses of the clear Book” [Qurʾan 12:1]. *Meaning this book is more perspicacious and superior than the previous scriptures.4 About the reason for the revelation of this sura, some have said that when the Muslims migrated from Mecca to Medina and had left their houses, they wished to find a story in the Qurʾan about migration that consoled them. Therefore, Gabriel revealed the sura of Yusuf to the Prophet that is the story of the migration of Jacob from Egypt to Canaan. About the reason for the revelation of this sura, some have said that the Prophet (pbuh) in the battle of Bani Qurayza took ʿAyisha with him. ʿAyisha was often alone and wished to read a story in the Qurʾan and then Gabriel revealed this sura, which is the most beautiful story. “Indeed, We have sent it down as an Arabic Qurʾan that you might understand. We relate to you, [O Muhammad], the best of stories in what We have revealed to you of this Qurʾan although you were, before it, among the unaware” [Qurʾan 12:2–3].

The Tale of Joseph and Zulaykha

[fol. 40a:] When ʿAziz, the chief minister of Egypt, took Joseph to his home, he ordered his people to protect him. Zulaykha was obedient to the decree of her husband. However, when she looked at Joseph’s unparalleled beauty, she fell in love with him. Joseph (pbuh), who had been honoured with impeccability, refrained even from casting a glance at her. Zulaykha who was very beautiful could not resist Joseph, and her obsession with him made her sleepless.

‫ت آت ن ن‬ ‫ن‬ � ‫ چ� ن��د ب�ت�وا � د ا �ش�� ن� � � ش�� ه�ا‬

‫ق‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ع�ا � ب�� ت� رو�ز �ی ب��ه رو�ز � ب�ر�ش��ود‬

Finally, someday it will be revealed. How much can one hide the fire [of the heart]? “And she, in whose house he was, sought to seduce him. She closed the doors and said, ‘Come, you’ ” [Qurʾan 12:23]. One day Zulaykha adorned herself, aromatized the house with incense and tried to seduce him. She told him:

‫ د � ش��م� �ه�م�ه ��س�ا ��ه � � ت‬ �‫��هر �و��س� ت‬ ‫ل ب رآ چ‬ ‫و چ تــ م‬ � � � � ‫ �مـــ� ا د ��ک��س�ـ� �جــ�ا‬ ‫ر و ی ر ب ی ورم‬

‫ت‬ ‫�ۀ‬ �‫خ��ا ن� ��م�هر �و��س� ت‬ ‫آ‬ � �‫ا‬ ‫و ر ی ورم‬

4 * The words between these signs are transcribed in the margin of the folio.

‫�ز‬ �‫د لم رو و ش�� ب‬ ‫�ز ن ت ش‬ ��‫پ�یـو��د �و هــو‬

244

Appendix 1 Day and night, my heart is a house of your love. My two eyes are fixed on your face through the year. From your engagement, I will acquire awareness and sagacity. Whatever you want me to do, I will do for you.

Joseph (pbuh), who was extremely resistant to the desire of Zulaykha, sought refuge in Almighty God from betraying to his master. “He said, ‘[I seek] the refuge of Allah. Indeed, he is my master, who has made good my residence. Indeed, wrongdoers will not succeed’ ” [Qurʾan 12:23]. It is narrated that Joseph’s refusal heightened her passion. Her purplish face became yellow and she was melting like a candle flame. Zulaykha had a nursemaid. The nursemaid asked her about the reason of her distress and Zulaykha told her the secret. The nursemaid was amazed that Joseph had no liking for Zulaykha – the one whom all of Egypt desired to have a glimpse of – and that Joseph avoided her, and despite his springtime of life, [fol: 40b:] he had refrained even from casting a glance at her. The nursemaid said, “I will make a plan that makes Joseph imagine you as you are.” She decorated the room and painted a picture of Joseph and Zulaykha embracing each other on a golden couch. Zulaykha went to the room and invited Joseph. When he attended the room and saw the picture, he realized that it was a pretext to seduce him. And she certainly determined [to seduce] him, and he would have inclined to her had he not seen the proof of his Lord. And thus [it was] that We should avert from him evil and immorality. Indeed, he was of Our chosen servants. [Qurʾan 12:24] It is said that when Joseph (pbuh) entered the room, he did not want to see that picture, so he looked at Zulaykha. Therefore, she thought that her wish would come true. “What would happen if you look at me henceforth like this?” said she. “I am afraid that I will be resurrected blind on the doomsday,” said Joseph (pbuh). “What would happen if you embrace me like this picture?” said Zulaykha. “I am afraid of chains and shackles of the doomsday and I cannot,” said he. “Why do you not come close to me?” asked she. “For two reasons: first, I fear God who created me; second, because of my respect for the man who has bought me,” replied Joseph. “If you are scared of these two things, I would poison my husband with a cup of syrup. In addition, I will give alms so that God will be pleased with you,” said Zulaykha. If Joseph had not seen the burhan (proof) of his Lord, he would have been seduced. There are those who say that she attempted to get him to fornicate with her and he tried to escape from her. Others say that she tried to hold on to him and force him to do the deed and Joseph attempted to remove himself from the situation. It is said that from the room to the outside were seven doors all were tightly locked so that Joseph

Translation of the Illustrated Episodes

245

could not go out instantly. Some say that Joseph (pbuh) wanted to marry her when she became a widow. There are disagreements about the burhan (proof) that Joseph (pbuh) saw. Some have said that he heard a voice proclaim, “If you do what she wants, your name will fade from the list of the prophets – peace be upon them.” Some have said that when he entered the decorated room and gazed at Zulaykha, he saw the figure of his father Jacob, biting his finger as fathers penalize their children. Some say that he heard a voice proclaim, “O man of truth, do not fornicate.” Some have said that the chief minister of Egypt, ʿAziz, had a seven-month old cousin who was in the house of Zulaykha. Zulaykha who had no child loved the baby and kept it in her house. The baby in his cradle proclaimed, “O man of truth, do not fornicate.” This baby was the witness to prove Joseph’s truthfulness. There are those who say that Zulaykha had a golden idol that she worshiped. When she wanted to fornicate, she covered the face of the idol, which was in her room with a piece of cloth. Joseph asked her, “Why you are covering the idol?” She replied, “I am shy before my god if he is seeing me in this state.” Joseph (pbuh) said, “You are shy of an idol and I am shy of the Self-Sufficient Lord.” As he moved to the door to escape, Zulaykha grazed her face, pulled her hair out and ran after him. She grabbed him and tore his shirt. With the power of God, the seven locked doors were opened and Joseph (pbuh) went out from there. As he was in such a hurry, his turban fell from his head. He ran with disheveled hair and Zulaykha was behind him. They met ʿAziz and Zulaykha’s cousin by the door. ʿAziz was surprised when he saw the scene. Zulaykha said, [fol. 41a:] “What is the punishment for one who formed an evil design against your wife, but prison or a grievous torment?” And they both raced to the door, and she tore his shirt from the back, and they found her husband at the door. She said, “What is the recompense of one who intended evil for your wife but that he be imprisoned or a painful punishment?” [Qurʾan 12:25]

‫ �ع��ط�ـ�ا ر د را ب��ه �م ـ‬ ‫کرا �ز ره ب�ـ�را ن��د‬

‫�ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫�و��ص�ـ�د ا �ز پ��ج��ـ�ه ن��د ا ن��د‬ ‫ب��س�ا �ز � ک‬

There are many women, who do not know the difference between hundred and fifty, But they can divert Mercury from its path by their trick. It is said that Zulaykha by her words made several points: first, she vindicated herself; and second, she determined the type of punishment and prevented his murder. After the declaration of Zulaykha, ʿAziz became furious and told him angrily, “In return of my favours towards you, do you want to fornicate with my wife?” Joseph said, “I seek

246

Appendix 1

the refuge of God that I commit such a sin. She tried to seduce me. I refused and I went to the door to escape her. She caught up with me and tore my shirt.” ʿAziz doubted in the rectitude of their talk. He had never heard an untrue talk from Joseph (pbuh) and said, “Which talk would I believe, for I see you disheveled-hair and she is grazed-face.” Joseph said, “Almighty God knows that I am innocent.” ʿAziz said, “Do you have any witness?” Joseph (pbuh) replied, “Yes,” and pointed towards the baby. [Joseph] said, “It was she who sought to seduce me.” And a witness from her family testified. “If his shirt is torn from the front, then she has told the truth, and he is of the liars. But if his shirt is torn from the back, then she has lied, and he is of the truthful.” So when her husband saw his shirt torn from the back, he said, “Indeed, it is a women’s plan. Indeed, your plan is great. Joseph, ignore this. And, [my wife], ask forgiveness for your sin. Indeed, you were of the sinful.” [Qurʾan 12:26–29] The story of Joseph and Zulaykha was kept secret for a length of time. However, the story got out of the palace, and spread everywhere. Women reproached Zulaykha so that the glorious Qurʾan announces, “And women in the city said, ‘The wife of Al-ʿAziz is seeking to seduce her slave boy; he has impassioned her with love. Indeed, we see her [to be] in clear error’” [Qurʾan 12:30]. Of the wives of grandees of Egypt, there were five women who were attendants of Zulaykha and even had claims of equality: the wives of the chef, wine butler, treasurer, gatekeeper and guard. They considered her infatuation with Joseph inappropriate and taunted her. When the news of their whispering reached Zulaykha, she wanted to show them how beautiful and desirable Joseph was.

‫ن�ج‬ ‫ـ‬ ‫�گ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫�ز‬ ‫�م�لا �مت��و�ی ب�ی ح�ا �ص�لت�ر � ا �ز د ��س� ت� � ش��ن��ا ��س�د ا گ‬ ‫�ررو�ی د لا را را ب��د وا د ورب��مــ�ا ی�ی‬

The futile rebuker does not discern an orange from a hand, If you show her the face of the sweetheart from a distance. “So when she heard of their scheming, she sent for them and prepared for them a banquet and gave each one of them a knife” [Qurʾan 12:31]. Zulaykha invited the women and put into the hands of each of them an orange and a knife, and summoned Joseph into her audience. “And said [to Joseph], ‘Come out before them’ ” [Qurʾan 12:31]. As he arrived in their presence, the women were so entranced by his beauty that they cut their hands instead of the fruits without feeling that they had cut their hands, and like Zulaykha, they fell in love with the youthful Joseph.

Translation of the Illustrated Episodes

[fol. 41b:]

‫�ز خ ن ن ن‬ ‫ن‬ � ‫ �ه�م�ه ج��ا �م�ه �ش��ا � د ی��د ا �و� � ش��ا‬ ‫ف� ن ن‬ ‫خ ش ش‬ ��‫ ��ک��د ��د �هر ی�ک ��سر �وی��ـ�� پ��ی‬ ‫ن �ز‬ ‫ ک‬ ‫��ه طـــ�ع��ه د ی��د م ب��سـی ا �نـــ�د رو‬

247

‫�ز خ ن��گ‬ ‫�ز ن ن‬ � ‫�ل��یـــ��ا � �هــکـــرد ســو�ی �ا‬ ‫خ ��گ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫خ ش‬ ‫��ل�ش��ت ش��ا � د ل �ز ک‬ ‫�ج‬ ��‫�رد ا ر �و�ی‬ ‫نگ‬ ‫�ف‬ ‫خ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ت‬ � �‫�ز �ل��ی�ـ��ا چ��نیــــ‬ ‫�� ا�ی� بــود ا و‬

‫خ‬ ‫�ف ت �ز ن ش ن �ه � ش�� ّٰ گ�ف‬ ‫��گ ت‬ � ‫ب�ا �ــ��ا � �م�ه حــ�ا � ل��ل�ه‬ ‫ت‬ ‫چ�و�ش�� ن��د ب�ا‬ �� ‫��ل� ت� و �ش��رم ج‬ ‫�ج‬ ‫ن ن ت �ز گ آ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫�ر�ش��ت��س� ت� پ��یـــ�د ا �ش��ـ�د ه د ر �ز ـــمی‬ ‫�و�هــ�ر � د ــمی‬ � ‫کـ�ه ا�ی� ��ی��س�� ا‬

Zulaykha gazed towards the women. She saw all their garments bloody. They were ashamed of their deed. They lowered their heads. Zulaykha said that it was he, The one for whom you taunted me. When they became embarrassed and ashamed, All their tongues said “God forbid! That this is not of human nature, But is an angel found on earth.” “And when they saw him, they greatly admired him and cut their hands and said, ‘Perfect is Allah! This is not a man; this is none but a noble angel’ ” [Qurʾan 12:31]. It is narrated that when Zulaykha invited the five women, she had commanded to bring five silver couches for them. When they sat, she sent for each of them a golden tray in each tray an orange and a knife. When they began cutting their fruit, she commanded Joseph (pbuh) to be brought. [Painting in Hazine 1653] When they looked up and saw him, they were infatuated such that they cut their hands with the knives without noticing. Zulaykha seeing them do so smiled happily. When Joseph arose, they found that they had cut their hands. Zulaykha said to them, “This is the one for whom you have blamed me.” They said, “Hearing is not like seeing. We have only heard about goodness and beauty of Joseph and we reproached you because of your extreme affection. Now we are convinced about what we had heard about Joseph and his beauty.” Zulaykha said, “I will ask him again. You persuade him to do what I want and threaten him with prison and public humiliation if he refuses to comply.”

248

Appendix 1 She said, “That is the one about whom you blamed me. And I certainly sought to seduce him, but he firmly refused; and if he will not do what I order him, he will surely be imprisoned and will be of those debased.” [Qurʾan 12:32].

Joseph said, “The prison is more beloved to me than sinning.” He supplicated to God and said, “My Lord, prison is more to my liking than that to which they invite me. And if You do not avert from me their plan, I might incline toward them and [thus] be of the ignorant.” [Qurʾan 12:33]. He prayed to God to save him from the wickedness and foolishness of the women. Almighty God fulfilled Joseph’s supplication. “So his Lord responded to him and averted from him their plan. Indeed, He is the Hearing, the Knowing” [Qurʾan 12:34]. The innocent one was imprisoned. “Then it appeared to them after they had seen the signs that Al-ʿAziz should surely imprison him for a time” [Qurʾan 12:35].

The Story of Job

[fol. 48b:] It is narrated that Job (Ayyub) (pbuh) was a descendant of Esau, the son of Isaac. He was Ayyub ibn Mus, ibn Razij, ibn ʿIs, ibn Ishaq. Among the descendants of Esau, no one was a prophet but Job. Some have said that Job was one of the descendants of Levi, the son of Jacob. His wife was Rahima, the daughter of Ifra‌ʾim ibn Yusuf ibn Yaʿqub (Jacob) (pbuh). His mother was one of the daughters of Lot (pbuh). His religion was monotheism, and when he was in need, he would lay face down and ask God. Almighty God afflicted him with such a suffering, which no one had been afflicted before, but he was patient in the affliction. Almighty God has recalled him in the glorious Qurʾan: Indeed, We found him patient, an excellent servant. Indeed, he was one repeatedly turning back [to Allah] [Qurʾan 38:44]. The position of Job was in the land of Levant (Sham), in a region that is currently named Maha. Today this region is a salt marsh that is located between Damascus and Ramla. Those were two large cities, and Maha was a village located between them. There had been several large and frequented villages. Almighty God sent Job as a messenger to his people. Job summoned them to God for seven years but no more than three people believed in him. Meanwhile, he became wealthy. About the reason of his affliction, it is said that although he was very wealthy and had noble children, he never forgot to worship or thank Almighty God. The angels said to God, “His abundant wealth and a large family is the reason for his thankfulness.” Almighty God wanted to prove to the angels that Job, in distress and suffering conditions, would act in the same manner as when he is wealthy. Thus, his wealth was taken away from him. Some narrators have said that Job chose this affliction himself when he said to God, “Afflict me, till I show my patience, so that I will succeed with the reward of the steadfast.”

Translation of the Illustrated Episodes

249

About the reason for his affliction, some have said that one day someone had said to him, “God’s blessings to you are infinite,” and he had answered, “My thankfulness for His blessings are limitless too.” Thus, because of his pride, he was afflicted. It is said that at first his wealth was taken away from him. He owned forty herds, and some say that he owned one thousand herds and in each herd, there were one thousand sheep. One day all of the sheep drowned in the flood. The people of those lands, who were his servants purchased in exchange of gold, came to inform him. Job (pbuh), who was remembering God, said in reply, “If there had been no benefit in this event, they would not have destroyed. If no sheep remains, I will have God. If I am worthy, He will give me twice as many.” Thereafter, he owned a very large number of oxen, which were grazing in a canebrake. Abruptly, a spark fell in the canebrake and burned all the oxen. When his servants came to inform him, he answered with the same words that he had said about the sheep. All of his possessions – such as his livestock, gold and silver – were destroyed. A wall collapsed on his children and they died. However, he remained steadfast in his thankfulness and worship of God, up to the time that his health was taken away from him. One day when he was praying in the adytum (mihrab), his feet were inflamed and then all of his body became swollen and painful. From his head to toenails, there was not a part without being painful. For this reason, he lived motionless for eight months. Despite all the suffering, Job remained strong in his faith and acted in the same manner as he did when he was healthy. His disease made it hard to breathe, and his body was infected by worms. The people deserted him, – [Painting in the dispersed manuscript] and only his kind wife, Rahima, stayed with him. The people used to say her, “How much inconvenience can you endure? Divorce him.” However, she answered, “I was at the time of ease with him. It is not humane that at the time of distress I leave him alone.” She served as much as she could. From the Prophet Muhammad (pbuh), it has been narrated that Job’s disease lasted for eighteen years. His situation was so that people deported him from his location, fearing his disease to be contagious, and kept away from him. They abstained from visiting him, and even his close relatives and friends deserted him. They wrapped him in a kilim and took him out of his village. [fol. 49a:] It is said that he was carried to seven villages but the villagers did not allow him to settle close to them. Eventually, he settled down near a ruined village in a hunting shack. Except for Rahima, who worked in the nearby villages during the days and provided food for Job (pbuh) with her wages, no one visited him. One day no one offered her a job, and she came back empty-handed. The prophet called to his Lord, “Indeed, adversity has touched me, and you are the Most Merciful of the merciful” [Qurʾan 21:83]. Then he cried out to his Sustainer:

250

Appendix 1 “Indeed, Iblis has touched me with hardship and torment.” [So he was told], “Strike [the ground] with your foot; this is a [spring for] a cool bath and drink.” And We granted him his family and a like [number] with them as mercy from Us and a reminder for those of understanding [Qurʾan 38:41–43].

Almighty God answered his prayer and removed that adversity. So We responded to him and removed what afflicted him of adversity. And We gave him [back] his family and the like thereof with them as mercy from Us and a reminder for the worshippers [of Allah] [Qurʾan 21:84]. Then he was restored to prosperity, with twice as much as he had before. It is said that the day that no one offered Rahima a job and she came back home empty-handed, Iblis went to Job’s wife in the form of a woman with short hair. Rahima had two long braided tresses. Iblis said to her, “If you cut your tresses and give me, I will give you some food.” She did so inevitably. Iblis came to Job, sooner than Rahima and said, “Your wife has been imputed to an obscene act and both of her tresses have been cut.” When Rahima arrived home, Job (pbuh) saw her cut tresses and swore that if he ever regained his health, he would beat her with a hundred strokes. When Job’s health was restored, Gabriel came to him and told that Iblis had accused her. Job said, “But I had taken an oath to beat my wife. How could I fulfill my vow?” Gabriel said, “Take in your hand a bunch of a hundred twigs and use them to strike your wife in order to fulfill your vow.” Almighty God declared, “[We said], ‘And take in your hand a bunch [of grass] and strike with it and do not break your oath’ ” [Qurʾan 38:44]. Thereafter, Gabriel (pbuh) told him to strike the ground with his foot. When he struck the ground, a fountain appeared beneath his foot. He washed his head and body in the water and all of his sores were healed. Gabriel dressed him in a robe, which had been brought from Paradise. With the help of Gabriel, Job and Rahima returned to their hometown. Some say that his sons, who had died beside a wall, were brought back to life. What had been taken away from him was restored exponentially. “And that is not difficult for Allah” [Qurʾan 14:20; 35:17]. Job lived for a long time thereafter. It is said that he lived for ninety years and the number of his descendants increased. He appointed one of his sons, who was named Ezekiel (Hizqil), as a successor. Almighty God designated him as a prophet, and it is said that Dhul-Kifl was Ezekiel. In the glorious Qurʾan, it has been mentioned, “And [mention] Ishmael and Idris and Dhul-Kifl; all were of the patient” [Qurʾan 21:85]. Job (pbuh) had another son whose name was Bashar, and Almighty God also designated him as a prophet. Except for Job and his two sons, no one else is known to be a prophet in the descendants of Esau (ʿIs). And God knows what is right.

Translation of the Illustrated Episodes

251

Moses’ Coming to Egypt and Delivering the Message to Pharaoh

[fol. 53a:] When Moses and Aaron arrived in Egypt, Aaron wanted to take Moses to his house so that Moses would rest and his relatives who waited for his arrival would see him. Moses (pbuh) said, “I am commanded to go to Pharaoh and invite him to God. First, I have to deliver the divine message to him.” Moses with his staff went to Pharaoh’s gate, [fol. 53b:] while forty gatekeepers were there. He asked the gatekeepers to permit him to go to Pharaoh. They asked him, “Who are you?” He replied, “I am the messenger of God, and I want to deliver a message to Pharaoh.” They wondered, and no one paid attention to him. Moses (pbuh) smote his staff on the doornail. At that time, a loud voice issued and those people fell unconscious. Moses (pbuh) entered without any obstacle and saw Pharaoh on a throne, its width was forty cubits and it was inlaid with pearls and jewels. Two thousand Israelite maidservants attended before his court, and a branch of the Nile River was flowing beneath his throne. Pharaoh, whose court no one had attended without permission, when saw Moses with his fearsome figure, was afraid and asked Moses (pbuh), “Who gave you permission to come inside and for what have you come in?” Moses said, “I am the messenger of the Lord of the worlds, send with us the Children of Israel” [Qurʾan 26:16–17]. “He has sent me to you to believe in Him, and do not torment them. Because they are God’s servants not yours.” Pharaoh asked, “Where are you from?” Moses replied, “I am the one who has grown up in your house.” When Pharaoh heard that talk, remembered him and said, “Did we not raise you among us as a child, and you remained among us for years of your life? And [then] you did your deed which you did, and you were of the ungrateful” [Qurʾan 26:18–19]. “Are you not the Moses who is a fugitive, the killer of a Coptic Man?” Moses said, “That deed was an accident, and I fled. But Almighty God has granted me forgiveness and made me one of the messengers. He has sent me to you to give up the claim of godhood and to believe in Him.” [Moses] said, “I did it, then, while I was of those astray. So I fled from you when I feared you. Then my Lord granted me wisdom and prophethood and appointed me [as one] of the messengers.” [Qurʾan 26:20–21] Pharaoh said, “According to your confession, undoubtedly we will punish you.” He pointed towards the servants to capture him. When they wanted to take Moses, he threw his staff, and it became an enormous dragon, intending to swallow Pharaoh and his throne. The attendants fled in fear. Pharaoh was so terrified that he fell down from the throne, and his garment stuck in the throne’s angle, dangling him upside down. Moses (pbuh) put his hand inside his cloak. When he took it out his hand shone like the sun.

252

Appendix 1

Pharaoh, who was frightened of this awesomeness, asked Moses humbly to remove the dragon from the court, and said, “What do you want that I do?” Moses (pbuh) replied, “I do not ask you to do something for me. I am the messenger of God to you. ‘And there is not upon the Messenger except the [responsibility for] clear notification’ [Qurʾan 24:54]. I have come to deliver the message of Almighty God to you. The message is to believe in Him, and to know that your magnificence and regality during the past years was from His abundant mercy. If you believe in Him and His Majesty, you will remain in your grandeur.” Pharaoh said, “The God that you have described is truly worthy of worship, and you have specified strong proofs to prove your talk. But I have viziers and army commandants, and they have their own followers and henchmen. And consultation is emphasised in important affairs. Without any regard to this prerequisite, I cannot believe, because they will leave me and the affairs of the country will be disrupted. It is best for you to return. I will invite them to a gathering tomorrow and together we will believe.” According to this agreement, Moses (pbuh) came out and went to the house of Aaron. Some say that a day after his arrival to the town, he went to the house and called. His mother was alive till then but his father and sister had died. His mother said, “Who are you?” He replied, “I have returned from the journey. I am your guest tonight.” She took him inside and provided a meal. She said to Aaron, “Sit down, eat with him, and respect the guest.” When Moses talked, they recognized him. Afterward Moses delivered the message of Almighty God to Aaron; and Aaron answered, “I hear and obey.” The following day, Moses and Aaron decided to go to Pharaoh. Their mother cried and said that they would kill both her sons. Moses said, “O mother, do not grieve, that Exalted God has secured us from his evil.” When they arrived at Pharaoh’s gate, they proceeded as has been narrated before. Some say that they used to go to Pharaoh’s gate for a period of two years, but the gatekeepers did not permit them to enter, saying they were insane. Two years later, one day Pharaoh was describing his grandeur in a gathering, saying “I am god” – I ask forgiveness of God. His buffoon who sat beside him, said, “At the gate there is a man who claims that he has a god other than you.” Pharaoh angrily told, “Who says this talk? Let him be brought in.” The buffoon came out [fol. 54a:] and found Moses and Aaron. He took both to Pharaoh and said, “I thought that he is alone, but they are two persons.” Pharaoh looked Moses and said, “Who are you?” He replied, “I am the messenger of God to all of the people.” Pharaoh recognized him and said, “Did we not raise you among us as a child?” [Qurʾan 26:18], and so on, as it has been mentioned before. Afterward, Pharaoh said, “What is the Lord that has sent you?” Moses said, “The Lord of the heavens and earth” [Qurʾan 26:24]. God of the heavens and the earth and all that is between them. All are created by Him. “[Pharaoh] said to those around him, ‘Do you not hear?’ ” [Qurʾan 26:25]. Moses said, “Your Lord and the Lord of your first forefathers” [Qurʾan 26:26]. Pharaoh said, “Indeed, your ‘messenger’ who has been sent to you is mad” [Qurʾan 26:27]. Moses said, “Lord of the east and the

Translation of the Illustrated Episodes

253

west and that between them, if you were to reason” [Qurʾan 26:28]. Pharaoh said, “If you take a god other than me, I will surely place you among those imprisoned” [Qurʾan 26:29]. Moses (pbuh) said, “Even if I brought you proof manifest?” [Qurʾan 26:30]. Pharaoh said, “Then bring it, if you should be of the truthful” [Qurʾan 26:31]. “So [Moses] threw his staff, and suddenly it was a serpent manifest. And he drew out his hand; thereupon it was white for the observers” [Qurʾan 26:32–33].5 Moses threw his staff, and it became an enormous serpent as was mentioned before. Pharaoh fell down from the throne and went underneath it. He had diarrhea for a week, [Painting in the dispersed manuscript] although he remained for a week without seeking the privy [meaning the latrine]. So because of this reason he had been arrogant, saying, “I am god.” Therefore, he called Moses from underneath the throne and asked him to remove the serpent from the court so they could think about his words. According to Pharaoh’s promise, Moses came out and went to the house of Aaron. The fame of Moses spread throughout Egypt, and the children of Israel believed in him. They were delighted with the light of his presence. After the departure of Moses, Pharaoh summoned Haman and informed him what had happened between him and Moses. He also consulted him about his promise to Moses. Haman disliked it, and said, “A king like you who has claimed lordship up to now, how does call himself a servant, and accept the talk of a person who says, ‘I am God’s messenger’?” Pharaoh said, “If you had seen what I saw, you would have agreed with me.” Haman said, “Apparently Moses after leaving Egypt, had learned magic, and what you are saying about him are the signs of skilled sorcerers. We have numerous sorcerers throughout your state. We should summon them and defeat him.” Therefore, Pharaoh being seduced by Haman broke his promise to Moses.

‫ذ‬ ‫ق‬ ‫�ز ن �ز ق ن �ز ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫��ی��ه�ا را �ر�ی� ب��د ��ه�ا ر و��نـــ�ا رب��نـــ�ا ع�� ا ب� ا �ل��ـ�ا ر‬

Beware of a bad companion, Our Lord, protect us from the torment of the fire.

Moses and the Israelites’ Departure from Egypt and the Drowning of Pharaoh and his People

[fol. 55b:] Almighty God commanded Moses to go out from Egypt with the children of Israel, and decreed, “Do not inform anybody of the Copts (qibtiyan).” Almighty God said, “Then set out with My servants by night. Indeed, you are to be pursued” 5 Each sentence of the entire conversation is given both in the Arabic verse of the Qurʾan and its translation in Persian. In the present text, the Persian translation of each sentence is omitted.

254

Appendix 1

[Qurʾan 44:23]. “If Pharaoh be aware, he will prevent your departure. You shall go in the night so that if they pursue you, you will have reached the shore. The divine beneficence will help you to cross the sea and will cause Pharaoh and his people to be destroyed.” It has been narrated that their departure was close to the time of the feast and the women of the Israelites said to the Copts that they would go to the feast in outside districts. They borrowed many jewels from the Egyptians. They borrowed gold, jewels and precious garments from their neighbours and this was a custom in Egypt, as it is common till the present day, that the people borrow jewels and clothes. They left the town at night and the borrowed things were in their hands. At that time, the children of Israel were twelve sibt (i.e. descendant tribe) and it is narrated that each sibt had a population of one hundred and twenty thousand, and the total were one million four hundred and forty thousand. In the morning, the Copts became aware of their departure, and their hearts were attached to the jewels that the Israelites had borrowed. The fire of greed ignited in their chest, and they could not endure. Three hundred thousand Coptic horsem*n departed to pursue them. The children of Israel had a lot of luggage and they were going slowly. There is another narrative reporting that Pharaoh and the Copts pursued the children of Israel seven days after their departure, saying, “The Children of Israel are our enemy, we shall go to annihilate them.” It is said that the distance that the children of Israel traversed in seven days, Pharaoh and his army traversed in a single day, and they reached them. Almighty God declared: Then Pharaoh sent among the cities gatherers [and said], “Indeed, those are but a small band, and indeed, they are enraging us, and indeed, we are a cautious society.” [Qurʾan 26:53–56] When the children of Israel saw Pharaoh and his army behind them, they said to Moses, “You have destroyed us. You brought us out of Egypt and thus Pharaoh has become furious, and he has pursued us. Now we are indeed caught.” Moses said, “Although they are very close, nothing of what you fear will happen to you, for Almighty God is the One Who commanded me to bring you here, and He will show us a way out.” Almighty God declared: And when the two companies saw one another, the companions of Moses said, “Indeed, we are to be overtaken!” [Moses] said, “No! Indeed, with me is my Lord; He will guide me.” [Qurʾan 26:61–62] [fol. 56a:] They were in this dialogue when Gabriel the Honest came and said to Moses, “The rescue of you and your people is in your staff. When you reach the sea, smite the sea with it, and then you will see Our miracle.” The sea will part into twelve paths, each

Translation of the Illustrated Episodes

255

one for each of the descendant tribes. Exalted God said, “Then We inspired to Moses, ‘Strike with your staff the sea,’ and it parted, and each portion was like a great towering mountain” [Qurʾan 26:63]. When Moses smote the water of the Nile with his staff, with the power of Almighty God, the water split and was erected like walls, and twelve vaults appeared. The earth beneath the vaults was dry. Moses told the descendant tribes of Israelites that each descendant tribe should pass through a vault. The children of Israel said, “The water between the vaults is erected like walls and we will not be able to see each other, and we will not be aware of one another.” Moses with the guidance of Gabriel (pbuh) smote the water that was erected between them. With the divine power, the water was netted like windows, and the Israelites passed through it without anxiety. Exalted God declared, “And We advanced thereto the pursuers. And We saved Moses and those with him, all together” [Qurʾan 26:64–65]. When Pharaoh and the Copts reached the beach, Moses and the children of Israel had passed over the water. Pharaoh feared the sea and asked Haman, “What should we do?” He replied, “We should pass with the army and follow them. On the other side of the sea we will kill all of them with swords.” Pharaoh said, “How can we pass through the water with the troops?” Haman said, “Moses passed with a magic, and you cannot pass with your godship?” Pharaoh galloped on his horse. It has been narrated that no one rode a mare in Pharaoh’s army, and Pharaoh rode a stallion. Gabriel (pbuh) appeared in the form of a horseman on a mare crossed from his side and galloped in to the sea. The stallion of Pharaoh became out of control, having smelt her odor, and rushed blindly after her. His people inevitably entered the sea and the water was still rising. When Moses (pbuh) and the children of Israel crossed the sea, Moses looked behind him and found that no one from his folk was in the sea. Thus, he came to the edge of the water and saw Pharaoh and the Copts in the sea. Moses wanted to smite the water with his stick so that it would go back as it had been, but Almighty God commanded, “And leave the sea in stillness. Indeed, they are an army to be drowned” [Qurʾan 44:24]. “O Moses, discontinue, I will drown them.” Exalted God declared, “And We took the Children of Israel across the sea, and Pharaoh and his soldiers pursued them in tyranny and enmity until, when drowning overtook him” [Qurʾan 10:90]. When Moses and his people crossed the sea, with the command of Almighty God, the water was still raised up so that Pharaoh and all of his army entered the sea. The decree of “We saved Moses” appeared in rescue of the friends and perishing of the enemy; and all were drowned. Exalted God said, “Then We drowned the others” [Qurʾan 26:65–66]. [Painting in the dispersed manuscript] It is narrated that at the time of drowning, Pharaoh cried out amidst the water with a loud voice, “I believe that there is no deity except that in whom the Children of Israel believe, and I am of the Muslims” [Qurʾan 10:90]. Gabriel feared that Pharaoh would

256

Appendix 1

repeat that talk and Almighty God would forgive him and would accept his repentance. Thus, he cut out a piece of clay from the bottom of the sea, and thrust into Pharaoh’s mouth. Almighty God has informed the last Prophet about this story in the glorious Qurʾan: “Now? And you had disobeyed [Him] before and were of the corrupters?” [Qurʾan 10: 91]. Pharaoh was told, “Are you saying this at the time of death? When hitherto you have rebelled and have been among the wrong-doers?” The commentators say that when Gabriel revealed this verse to the last Prophet, he said, “O Muhammad, the rejoicing of these two verses of Qurʾan is not in any other verse of it, one the verse, ‘Now? And you had disobeyed’ and another, “And when they saw Our punishment, they said, ‘We believe in Allah alone’” [Qurʾan 40:84].” The Prophet asked about its reason. Gabriel said, “I found two enemies on the earth, one Iblis who became a disbeliever and did not bow down before Adam, and another Pharaoh, who called the people to obey him and introduced himself as god. When he said those words at the time of drowning, because of my hostility against him, I smote a piece of clay to his mouth so that he could not repeat that talk and God would forgive him. From that time up to today I feared that Almighty God had accepted that faith from Pharaoh.” Another is the verse that declares, “And when they saw Our punishment, they said, ‘We believe in Allah alone and disbelieve in that which we used to associate with Him’” [Qurʾan 40:84]. At the time of death, when they saw the punishment, they affirmed that God is One and denied the false gods. However, Almighty God said, “But never did their faith benefit them once they saw Our punishment. [It is] the established way of Allah which has preceded among His servants. And the disbelievers thereupon lost [all]” [Qurʾan 40:84]. So this talk was at the time when excuses were of no avail. Gabriel said, “I have been glad for this verse because I knew that the faith was not accepted from Pharaoh.” It has been said that when Moses (pbuh) and the children of Israel crossed the sea, Moses went to a height and gathered the Israelites. Afterwards he read the sermon, then praised and thanked Almighty God and announced to the children of Israel the destruction of Pharaoh and his army. [fol. 56b:] However, they did not believe that truth. Thus, Moses returned to the edge of the sea and smote the water with his stick; and the Israelites saw Pharaoh and his people drowned. Their souls were sent to the hellfire and their bodies were floating on the water. It has been narrated that when Moses showed the drowning of Pharaoh and his troops to his people, there was a man among the children of Israel whose name was Samiri. Some say that he was Moses’s cousin, and some say that he was not from the Israelites rather he was from one of the villages of Iraq and he was an idolater. Nobody from the tribes of Israelites knew Gabriel except him; and when Gabriel came out of the sea, Samiri knew him and took a handful of soil from the underneath the hooves

Translation of the Illustrated Episodes

257

of Gabriel’s horse. He took the soil with him up to the time that he made [a statue of] the calf and misled the majority of the Israelites. The rest of this story will be narrated later, if God wills. It is said that Haman, Pharaoh’s vizier, returned to Egypt from the edge of the sea. After the drowning of Pharaoh, he ruled over Egypt for seven years.

The Corpse that was Found among the Israelites

[fol. 58a:] One of the strange events that took place among the children of Israel is the story of the corpse that was found and its murderer was unknown. Almighty God has narrated this story in the sura of Baqara (cow) in some verses: from the verse, “And [recall] when Moses said to his people, ‘Indeed, Allah commands you to slaughter a cow’ ” [Qurʾan 2:67] to the verse, “And Allah is not unaware of what you do” [Qurʾan 2:74]. The story is that in one of the villages of Egypt, among the children of Israel, a man lived whose name was ʿAmil and his father was named Rahil. He was very wealthy and had no child, but he had two nephews who were his inheritors. His nephews were poor and destitute, and yet their uncle did not help them. Satan instigated them to kill their uncle. They invited their uncle to a banquet, killed him, and cast the corpse between the two villages. Some say that [fol. 58b:] they concealed it underneath a wall of [the house of] a righteous man. The following day, they went to Moses and complained against the householder and the people of the village. Moses interrogated the people, but to no outcome. The false claimants were also involved in the lawsuit. Moses told them that the people of both villages should find the murderer, otherwise they should accept to pay blood money. There was a sedition among them for a long time. So that Almighty God announces, “And [recall] when you slew a man and disputed over it, but Allah was to bring out that which you were concealing” [Qurʾan 2:72]. Because of this quarrel, they fought against each other and some people got killed. The two persons who had killed their uncle said, “We will not bury our uncle, until we find the murderer and kill him or get the blood money.” When the quarrel got prolonged, the Egyptians went to Moses and said, “God knows who the murderer is. Pray to Him to help us.” Moses prayed and Almighty God commanded to slaughter a cow and to strike the dead man with a piece of the cow. “Moses said to his people, ‘Indeed, Allah commands you to slaughter a cow.’ They said, ‘Do you take us in ridicule?’ ” [Qurʾan 2:67]. They said, “Do you take us to yourself in mockery?” Moses said, “I seek refuge in Allah from being among the ignorant” [Qurʾan 2:67]. They said, “Call upon your Lord to make clear to us what it is” [Qurʾan 2:68]. They said, “Beseech on Lord to make plain to us what cow it is and what is its colour.”

258

Appendix 1

About this story, our Prophet (pbuh) has declared, “The children of Israel made it difficult for themselves [by asking so many questions thereof] and thus God made it difficult for them.” [Moses] said, “[Allah] says, ‘It is a cow which is neither old nor virgin, but median between that,’ so do what you are commanded” [Qurʾan 2:68]. It is a cow neither too old nor too young, neither small nor big, but it is between the two conditions. They said, “Call upon your Lord to show us what is her colour” [Qurʾan 2:69]. Is it red, black, or yellow? Moses said, “He says, ‘It is a yellow cow, bright ( faqiʿ) in colour – pleasing to the observers’ ” [Qurʾan 2:69]. He stated that Exalted God says its colour is intensely yellow. The meaning of faqiʿ is intensely yellow. It is said that among colours no colour is more pleasant than yellow, the feature of which is rejoicing. Sages say that there are three colours that when eyes look at them, the heart becomes happy: yellow, green and red; green in the earth, red in the garment and yellow in the livestock. However, the heart avoids black; and white tranquilizes the heart. Those people searched a lot to find such a cow. The cow was owned by a woman who had an orphaned youth and her subsistence was from the milk of that cow. The people asked her to sell the cow. She said that she would sell it for a thousand dirhams. They came back to Moses and said that they had found such a cow, but it was very expensive. Moses said, “Buy it at any price, and do not be oppressive because the corpse cannot be brought back to life. They went again to the woman and the woman who knew that they could not find any other cow with such characteristics said, “This time, it costs two thousand dirhams.” They went to Moses and said, “Pray for us unto God to make plain to us what it is. This cow is dubious for us.” “They said, ‘Call upon your Lord to make clear to us what it is. Indeed, [all] cows look alike to us. And indeed we, if Allah wills, will be guided’ ” [Qurʾan 2:70]. Therefore, Moses (pbuh) said, “He says, ‘It is a cow neither trained to plow the earth nor to irrigate the field, one free from fault with no spot upon her’ ” [Qurʾan 2:71]. They found that the only one that matched the description was the one owned by the woman. They asked her to submit it to them but she answered, “I will not sell it for less than one hundred thousand dirhams.” In some of the commentaries, it has been narrated that she said, “I will sell it, if you offered me its skin filled with gold.” [Painting in Hazine 1653] Moses ordered them to buy it with that condition and to sacrifice it. It was so difficult for them that they did not want to do it. Exalted God declared, “So they slaughtered her, but they could hardly do it” [Qurʾan 2:71]. Thus, [God] said, “Strike the slain man with part of it” [Qurʾan 2:73]. It is said that they stroke the dead man with the tongue of the cow and the dead man was resurrected. It is said that he had been killed two years before. When he was resurrected, his body was bleeding. They asked him, “Who is your murderer?” He said, “My nephews have killed me.” Both his nephews were there. Moses ordered equal retaliation (qisas) for both men.

Translation of the Illustrated Episodes

259

[fol. 59a:] Then, the man fell down and died again. The conflict between the children of Israel was over; and those who doubted in the resurrection day, saw that event. Therefore, Almighty God declared, “Thus does Allah bring the dead to life, and He shows you His signs that you might reason” [Qurʾan 2:73].

Moses and Korah

[fol. 59a:] Almighty God declared, “Indeed, Qarun was of the people of Moses, but he tyrannized them” [Qurʾan 28:76]. It is narrated that at the beginning, Moses honoured Korah, and Korah was obedient to Moses. But he behaved opposingly towards Moses, and became a disbeliever to the religion of Moses. Its reason was that Korah became very wealthy, so that the keys of his treasures would burden some rows of camels; and Moses commanded Korah to pay zakat (alms) on his wealth. When Korah calculated the amount that he would need to pay, he found that the amount would be enormous. Korah disobeyed the decree of Moses (pbuh) and made apostasy from his religion. No one in Egypt had Korah’s wealth and luxuries. When he rode, four thousand servants purchased in exchange for gold accompanied him, and four hundred handsome slaves wearing fancy clothes with golden belts attended his meetings. Once, in a gathering of the children of Israel, Moses (pbuh) addressed Korah and admonished him. Korah had paid thousand mithqals of red [gold] to a sinful woman and had taught her to say that Moses wanted to commit adultery with her. Once, in the gathering of the children of Israel, Moses was sitting on a seat, admonishing them, the woman called him in the corner [of the gathering], “What you are saying today is in contrast to your action last night that made me commit adultery.” When the Israelites did not believe her talk, the woman thought of her disgraceful fate, regretted that accusation and said, “Korah deceived me with thousand mithqals of gold and what I stated about Moses (pbuh) is lie and vilification. I seek refuge with God for saying Moses the kalimAllah (i.e. the one who talked to God) commits adultery.” Moses (pbuh) became very sad of that accusation and Korah was ashamed in front of the Israelites. Some of the interpreters have narrated this story in commentary of this verse of the Qurʾan that Almighty God declared, “O you who have believed, be not like those who abused Moses; then Allah cleared him of what they said” [Qurʾan 33:69]. However, in commentary on this verse, some say that when Aaron died, Moses was accused of having killed him. Moses advised Korah, “Do not be so arrogant about your wealth.” Exalted God declared, “Do not exult. Indeed, Allah does not like the exultant” [Qurʾan 28:76]. “The wealth is a gift from God the Bestower. Set aside from your property the share of the poor people and as you have frequented the house of this world, frequent the house of the Hereafter. As Almighty God has been generous to you, be generous to His creatures.” Almighty God said:

260

Appendix 1 But seek, through that which Allah has given you, the home of the Hereafter; and [yet], do not forget your share of the world. And do good as Allah has done good to you. And desire not corruption in the land. Indeed, Allah does not like corrupters. [Qurʾan 28:77]

Korah did not listen to the advice, and said, “I have earned this wealth due to my own knowledge, and no one has any share in it because I have collected it by alchemy.” Exalted God declared, “He said, ‘I was only given it because of knowledge I have’ ” [Qurʾan 28:78]. When Moses heard Korah’s reply, he told him that his enormous wealth had made him arrogant. He did not realize that wealthy generations had lived before him, and when they had disobeyed, they had been annihilated. Almighty God said: Did he not know that Allah had destroyed before him of generations those who were greater than him in power and greater in accumulation [of wealth]? But the criminals, about their sins, will not be asked. [Qurʾan 28:78] It is narrated that from that time onwards, Korah displayed his adornment and glory excessively and the rulers who saw him, wished to have the same authority and wealth. Exalted God declared: So he came out before his people in his adornment. Those who desired the worldly life said, “Oh, would that we had like what was given to Qarun. Indeed, he is one of great fortune.” [Qurʾan 28:79] The wise men of the Israelites said to those who saw the worldly adornment and wished to have the same, “The reward of those who are steadfast and seek the Hereafter in this world is more beneficial than Korah’s welfare and enjoyment. Despite your eternal state, why do you desire the mundane blessings?” But those who had been given knowledge said, “Woe to you! The reward of Allah is better for he who believes and does righteousness. And none are granted it except the patient.” [Qurʾan 28:80] Moses (pbuh), at the treatment of Korah who displayed his luxuries in front of the mendicants, thought, “It is feared that poverty leads to blasphemy” (i.e. a hadith of the Prophet Muhammad). [fol. 59b:] Korah annoyed Moses (pbuh) permanently and many Egyptians gathered around him. It was so that Moses could bear no more, so he prostrated himself before Almighty God, cried and bewailed. Almighty God said, “I subjugated the earth to obey you. Command it whatever you want.”

Translation of the Illustrated Episodes

261

Moses became happy and said to his people, “O children of Israel get away from this man who is apostate. Exalted God has commanded the earth to swallow him.” The Israelites knew that he was right and got away from Korah. Korah did not look at Moses because of his pride and stood up. Moses said, “O earth! Seize him!” The earth beneath Korah trembled and devoured his feet up to the ankle, when he wanted to go. Korah laughed and said to Moses, “What is the magic that you have caused again?” Moses said, “O earth! Seize him!” The earth devoured his feet up to the knee. Korah said, “O Moses, tell the earth to free me, [Painting in Hazine 1653] and I will do whatever you wish.” Moses said, “O earth! Seize him!” The earth devoured him up to his neck. Korah said, “O Moses, give me respite, because of your compassion and our relationship [have mercy on me].” Moses said, “O earth! Seize him!” The earth swallowed Korah and then he disappeared. [Painting in the dispersed manuscript] Moses turned back, prayed to God, and thanked Him. Almighty God said, “O Moses, whatever my servant, Korah implored you, you did not succour him.” He replied, “I was expecting that he would call You.” [God] replied, “O Moses, if he had called Me, I would not have given you a way to overcome him; and I won’t subjugate the earth to the command of anyone again.” According to another narrative, it is said that the earth swallowed Korah with seventy of his followers. It kept them up to the resurrection day, and it will deliver them to the hellfire. Some of the Israelites said that Moses commanded the earth to swallow Korah, to take away his wealth and treasures. The following day, when Moses heard that, he prayed and Almighty God commanded the earth to devour the entire of Korah’s property and treasures. Exalted God declared: And We caused the earth to swallow him and his home. And there was for him no company to aid him other than Allah, nor was he of those who [could] defend themselves. [Qurʾan 28:81] The following morning, when Korah and his wealth were swallowed up by the earth, those who were envious of him the day before said, “Almighty God increases the provision to any of His servants He pleases. If it were not for God’s grace towards us, He could have caused the earth to devour us too. Thanks to God that we are believers because those who reject God will never prosper.” Almighty God declared: And those who had wished for his position the previous day began to say, “Oh, how Allah extends provision to whom He wills of His servants and restricts it! If not that Allah had conferred favor on us, He would have caused it to swallow us. Oh, how the disbelievers do not succeed!” [Qurʾan 28:82]

262 13

Appendix 1

Moses and the People of ʿAd and ʿUj ibn ʿUnuq

[fol. 61a:] Moses and the children of Israel came out of Egypt and proceeded to battle with the great kings and tyrants ( jabbaran). The tyrants ruled three important cities: Ariha, Bulqa and Bulsa. These three cities were in the land of Levant (Sham). It is narrated that Almighty God commanded Moses to attack the Levant and Jerusalem with a great army of the children of Israel, and to conquer those three cities. The people of those cities were from the remnant of the people of ʿAd. Each man of the men among them was almost thirty cubits tall and their strength was suited to their height and size. Because of their strength, they were called jababira (i.e. tyrants or titans) and those cities were called aradi al-jababira (lands of the tyrants). Among them, there was a giant man whose name was ʿUj ibn ʿUnuq and no one in the world had been equal to him in strength, size and lifespan. From ʿAbd-Allah ibn ʿUmar it has been narrated that after Seth (Shayth) (pbuh) a daughter of Adam was born whom he named ʿUnuq. She was so big that when sitting, she occupied the ground as much as a pair of oxen. Each of her fingers was three cubits long, and each of her nails was like a sickle, which is used to reap grain. She was the first person among the children of Adam who adulterated, and from adultery, she gave birth to a baby who was named ʿUj. Because of her extreme unchastity, Almighty God sent the lions and vultures – each lion as big as an elephant and each vulture as big as a camel – in order to destroy her. Her son, ʿUj, was so tall that at the time of the Flood when the entire world was under the water, the water reached only up to his knee. When he was hungry, he plunged his hand into the sea and brought out fish and he could roast by holding it in front of the sun. He was born in the lifetime of Adam and he was alive until the time of Moses (pbuh). It is said that he lived for three thousand and six hundred years. Moses was commanded to attack the land of the tyrants, all of whom were idolaters. Almighty God declared, “[Moses said] O my people, enter the [fol. 61b:] Holy Land which Allah has assigned to you” [Qurʾan 5:21]. “Almighty God will give you that land and will destroy the enemies as He destroyed Pharaoh and gave you the land of Egypt.” It is said that the number of the Israelites who left Egypt and accompanied Moses on the journey was five hundred thousand people. It took two months to travel from Egypt to the land of Jababira. When they arrived at the wilderness near Jababira, the children of Israel said to Moses, “We do not know what to do now. Send a spy there who can inform us who they are, how many warriors they have, and with what kind of weapons they fight.” Moses appointed twelve chieftains (naqib) among the children of Israel. He raised a chieftain from each descendant tribe. When he wanted to command the Israelites, he called the chieftains and spoke with them and they would deliver the message to their tribes. At the time the Torah was revealed, Exalted God commanded Moses to send the

Translation of the Illustrated Episodes

263

chieftains to make a covenant with the children of Israel. Almighty God declared, “And Allah had already taken a covenant from the Children of Israel, and We delegated from among them twelve leaders” [Qurʾan 5:12]. Thus, Moses sent twelve chieftains to the town of the tyrants in order to bring their information. The tyrants had heard that an army from Egypt had moved against them. ʿUj was a man who had incredible strength; and he lived in Ariha (Jericho). In that town, there were twelve thousand bakeries. Every day ʿUj used to bring a stack of firewood to the town that it was enough for all of the twelve thousand bakeries. Each baker used to give him a loaf of bread weighing a man (i.e. weighing unit [equals to three or six kilograms based on different regions of Iran]) and he ate the entire twelve thousand loaves but he would still not be satiated. The people of Ariha were concerned about the attention of the Israelites, saying to each other that they had destroyed Pharaoh with all his grandeur and glory. Therefore, they gathered, machinated and called ʿUj. They said to him, “If you cut out a rock from a mountain as large as the army of Moses and throw it to them, we will give you enough bread every day as well as two sets of garments each year.” Thus, they agreed. He went to a high mountain and looked at Moses’ army, measured its size, and pulled up a rock out of the earth. Some say that ʿUj was obedient to the king of Ariha, and he was commanded to come out of the city every day in order to bring the news of the army of Israelites. So ʿUj had gone to the way to get information. The chieftains reached him and they were too afraid of his giant body. Compared with him, they were like ants. ʿUj asked them, “Who are you?” They replied, “We are from the Israelites.” He asked, “Have you come here to fight?” They replied, “Yes.” He asked, “How many people are you?” They replied, “Five hundred thousand.” He asked, “Are the height and the strength of them like you?” They replied, “Yes.” ʿUj seized all of the twelve people with one hand, placed them in his bootleg, and went towards the town. When he arrived at the town, brought them out, showed them to the people and said, “They are from the Israelites that have come here.” The people wanted to kill them, but some of them said, “They should not be killed. Let them go to describe our characteristics for their tribe, and when they know who we are, they will not come here and will not be obedient to Moses.” So ʿUj released them. When the chieftains were returning they told each other, “If we describe the account of the people of ʿAd as we saw them, the children of Israel will fear and will not obey Moses; and we know that Almighty God has promised to Moses to destroy them. And God does not fail His promise.” Thus, the twelve chieftains made a pact with each other not to narrate the traits of those people to their tribes. However, when they came to their people, they broke the pact except for two persons. The other ten people described what they had seen and the children of Israel feared and wanted to return. Moses said to them, “Do not turn back [ from fighting in Allah’s cause] and [thus] become losers” [Qurʾan 5:21]. They said,

264

Appendix 1 “O Moses, indeed within [the land] is a people of tyrannical strength, and indeed, we will never enter it until they leave it; but if they leave it, then we will enter.” Said two men from those who feared [to disobey] upon whom Allah had bestowed favour, “Enter upon them through the gate, for when you have entered it, you will be predominant. And upon Allah rely, if you should be believers” [Qurʾan 5:22–23].

Two men among them, who feared Almighty God and were respected and honoured by their people, were Yushaʿ ibn Nun and Kalib ibn Yufna. Both, who were righteous servants and were from the descendant tribe of Moses, said to the children of Israel, “Assault them, although they are a people of great strength, Almighty God has promised Moses that He will give you victory over your enemies. Put your trust in God, if you have believed in God.” Moses (pbuh) said, “Exalted God has promised me to destroy them as He destroyed Pharaoh.” They said, “O Moses, indeed we will not enter it, ever, as long as they are within it; so go, you and your Lord, and fight. Indeed, we are remaining right here” [Qurʾan 5:24]. “Go therefore, you and your Lord, and then fight you both while we are sitting here.” Moses became very angry with them and supplicated to God against them saying, “My Lord, indeed I do not possess except myself and my brother, so part us from the defiantly disobedient people” [Qurʾan 5:25]. He took his stick and went to the town with Aaron. When night fell [fol. 62a:] (and Moses had gone), the children of Israel turned back. The entire day and night, they kept going but at dawn, they were at the same location as the first night they had camped, and so it was for the following night. Thus, they knew that Moses has cursed them. Yushaʿ ibn Nun said to them, “Wait here until Almighty God returns Moses to you.” They pursued Moses and they were going the entire day, but when they stopped, they were at the first location that they had camped. When Moses came near the town, ʿUj was carrying the rock, which he had uprooted, upon his head and wanted to find their camp, to throw it on them. Almighty God sent one of the weakest birds, a sandgrouse (sang ishkanak), so that it took a piece of diamond in its beak and pecked through the stone right on the top of ʿUj’s head. Exalted God loosened that spot so that the rock was cut up and fell on ʿUj’s neck in such a way that he could not get rid of it. Thus, Almighty God informed Moses. Moses (pbuh) took his stick and with Aaron and some of the Israelites went to ʿUj. It is said that Moses’ stature was twelve cubits and the length of his staff was also twelve cubits – but some say that it was ten cubits and some say that it was forty cubits – and he jumped up [Painting in both Hazine 1653 and the dispersed manuscript] as high as his stature until the top of his staff reached ʿUj’s ankle bone (sh*talang); and ʿUj fell down. The Israelites who were with him destroyed ʿUj. In the years that the Israelites were in the Tih (i.e. the desert where Moses and the Israelites wandered for forty years), ʿUj fell down in the wilderness, his flesh and skin were destroyed and his

Translation of the Illustrated Episodes

265

bones became white. After forty years, when Yushaʿ ibn Nun conquered those cities with his army, he brought ʿUj’s tibia bone to Egypt and made a bridge over the Nile with it; and the width of the Nile is more than one mile.6 Its knowledge is only with God. In the stories, it has been recorded that every night, several thousand sheep used to sleep inside his skull, to keep safe from wild animals. When Moses destroyed ʿUj, he became happy, turned back to the army, and found them at their location. He said, “I went and Almighty God gave me victory and I killed a creature bigger than whom did not exist in the world. Now come to conquer those cities.” They replied, “O Moses, we could not move from this wilderness. We wanted to return to Egypt or come to you but we could not.” They narrated the whole of their story. Moses thought that they could not to move, because he had not been with them. Therefore, he commanded them to decamp. The whole of the army decamped and they were going the entire day and night but when they camped on the following day, they were in the same location that they had camped before. Moses regretted what he had said. Thus, they were there and Moses prayed to God to give them a way out so that they go and conquer those cities. Almighty God said, “Then indeed, it is forbidden to them for forty years [in which] they will wander throughout the land. So do not grieve over the defiantly disobedient people” [Qurʾan 5:26]. He said, “I forbade them for forty years in distraction. They will wander through the land, and unable to find their way out. It is a punishment for their refusing to fight and their saying, ‘Go, you and your Lord, and fight you two, we are sitting right here.’ ”

The Story of Bilqis and the City of Sheba

[fol. 70a:] When Solomon did not see the hoopoe, he sought among the birds, and asked about it. Exalted God said, “And he took attendance of the birds and said, ‘Why do I not see the hoopoe – or is he among the absent?’” [Qurʾan 27:20]. From Kulayni it has been narrated that when Solomon (pbuh) sat on the throne, from each kind of the birds four pairs queued up above his head alternately to provide shade for him against the sunlight. Due to the affection of Solomon (pbuh) for the hoopoe, its location was in front of the holy head of Solomon (pbuh). Since the hoopoe was absent that day, the sunlight shone on Solomon’s head and he said that unless the bird had a good reason for its absence, he would torment it strictly. Almighty God declared, “[Solomon said,] I will surely punish him with a severe punishment or slaughter him unless he brings me clear authorization” [Qurʾan 27:21]. From ʿAbd-Allah ibn ʿAbbas – may God be pleased with him – it is narrated that Solomon (pbuh) sought the hoopoe because he needed water and the bird could 6 One and a half of Iranian miles are equivalent to an ancient Roman mile or 1620 yards.

266

Appendix 1

detect water in the depth of the earth. When he did not find the bird, he said that it would be punished, unless it gave a valid reason. The task of the grandees is oversight of the servitors. There is a difference of opinion about the type of punishment that Solomon (pbuh) promised. Some have said that he wanted to separate the bird from its pair, and separation from the beloved pair is the most severe torment.

‫� � ن ن ت �ز ن ت ذ‬ ‫ ک�ه ا �م ک‬ ‫��ا � ��ی��س�� ا � ب��د �رع�� ا ب�ی‬

‫ن ذ‬ ‫ت‬ �‫�مرا رو�ی �ون�ا د ی�ـ�د � ع�� ا ب��ی��ـ��س� ت‬

For me, not seeing your face is a punishment, There is no worse punishment than this. Some have said that its punishment was that it would be emprisoned with a variant kind [of creature] in a cage. Poem:

‫�ز ن ش ن ن‬ ‫ �هر د م ا �ه�م��ی�� ا �ه�موا ر‬

‫آ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫��ه چ�و� �ه�می ن�ا �ل�د‬ ‫� ب� را ب�ی�� ن� ک‬

Look at the water how it complains, every time of its misfit companion. Solomon was still speaking when the hoopoe appeared, and Solomon asked about the reason of its absence. The hoopoe as an excuse declared the story of Sheba. Exalted God said, “But the hoopoe stayed not long and said, ‘I have encompassed [in knowledge] that which you have not encompassed, and I have come to you from Sheba with certain news’ ” [Qurʾan 27:22]. The hoopoe said, “I have found out a thing that no one apprehends, and I have brought from Sheba sure tidings.” Solomon (pbuh) asked, “What is the sure tiding?” The hoopoe said, “Indeed, I found [there] a woman ruling them, and she has been given of all things, and she has a great throne” [Qurʾan 27:23]. The hoopoe said, “I saw a great queen in Sheba whom Almighty God has given all kinds of worldly adornments including an extremely magnificent and desirable throne.” Solomon did not notice to these words until the hoopoe said: I found her and her people prostrating to the sun instead of Allah, and Satan has made their deeds pleasing to them and averted them from [His] way, so they are not guided. So they do not prostrate to Allah, who brings forth what is hidden within the heavens and the earth and knows what you conceal and what you declare – Allah – there is no deity except Him, Lord of the Great Throne. [Qurʾan 27:24–26]. Solomon said why did they not prostrate before God, from whose light the heaven and the earth are luminous. Then he said to the hoopoe, “We will see whether you were

Translation of the Illustrated Episodes

267

truthful or were of the liars” [Qurʾan 27:27]. Solomon (pbuh) summoned [his vizier,] Asaf and said, “As the hoopoe narrates, there is a land on the earth where their people worship sun and we do not rule over them. It is advisable that you write a letter to them and the hoopoe carries it. If they do not admit the Oneness of God and my apostleship, we will send an army to guide them to the straight path.” Wahb ibn Munabbih says that Asaf asked Solomon what he should write in the beginning of the letter. The great name of the Most Mighty God, the Beneficent, and the Merciful was engraved on the jeweled ring of Solomon. Solomon ordered to write that name in the beginning of the letter. So Asaf wrote, “Indeed, it is from Solomon, and indeed, it reads: ‘In the name of Allah, the Entirely Merciful, the Especially Merciful, Be not haughty with me but come to me in submission [as Muslims]’ ” [Qurʾan 27:30–31]. Meaning that although this letter is from Solomon, it is with the name of Solomon’s God, and it invites you to believe in God. In writing the letter, he considered this point that the queen Bilqis would not be proud of her monarchy, replying with a vague excuse, knowing that he invited her to faith not to him. He delivered the letter to the hoopoe and said, “Carry this letter to Sheba and cast it to Bilqis, when she sits on her throne, and come back. And see what they say, when they read the letter.” “Take this letter of mine and deliver it to them. Then leave them and see what [answer] they will return” [Qurʾan 27:28]. The hoopoe took the letter in its beak. From Solomon’s location to Sheba was a distance of seventy farsang, which the hoopoe traversed it in a day and night and arrived there by noon. [fol. 70b:] In the midst of her palace, Bilqis slept behind seven closed doors and none of the gatekeepers was close to her. The hoopoe went and cast the letter to her chest. From the voice of the hoopoe’s wings, she woke up and saw the letter onto her chest. She was very surprised that a bird had brought a letter. When she looked at the window, she saw the hoopoe and found that it was the carrier of the letter. She summoned her viziers and advisors, showed the letter to them and said, “This bird brought an honourable and sealed letter from the prophet Solomon to me.” “She said, ‘O eminent ones, indeed, to me has been delivered a noble letter. Indeed, it is from Solomon’ ” [Qurʾan 27:29–30]. Commentators have brought reasons for attributing Solomon’s letter to being a noble (karim) letter. When they read the letter, she consulted the grandees of her state. “She said, ‘O eminent ones, advise me in my affair. I would not decide a matter until you witness [ for] me’ ” [Qurʾan 27:32]. They said, “We are endowed with strength to answer anyone. So consider what you will command.” “They said, ‘We are men of strength and of great military might, but the command is yours, so see what you will command’ ” [Qurʾan 27:33]. When Bilqis listened to their answer said, “Indeed kings – when they enter a city, they ruin it and render the honored of its people humbled. And thus do they do” [Qurʾan 27:34]. Bilqis said, “The priority is peace. The wise kings provide for war after despairing of peace. It is advisable to send him royal treasures and gifts. If he seeks wealth, he will release us.” [She said, ] “But indeed, I will send to them a gift and see with what [reply] the messengers will return” [Qurʾan 27:35]. The hoopoe

268

Appendix 1

listened to their talk at the window, returned to Solomon (pbuh), and explained the event. Bilqis was a great queen who ruled over Yemen and its surrounding cities. She had twelve army commanders; each commander had twelve thousand military men. Some say that she had thousand colonels; each colonel had thousand equestrians so that her army was composed of a thousand thousand troops. Her father, Bulqama was a king of Yemen and her mother was a Berber. Some say that her mother was a Jinni, and many other strange anecdotes are narrated about her genealogy. Whatever is told about her in the Qurʾan is narrated in the history of the prophets. Bilqis summoned goldsmiths and ordered them to construct four bricks from red gold, each brick weighed two hundred man that was carbuncled with sixteen man of pearls. She selected four horses among the superior horses, saddled them with carbuncled saddles and golden horseshoes. She loaded the bricks onto excellent cows that were decorated with jewels and pearls. In addition, four carbuncled samite garments were provided. Some say that they provided two golden bricks and a silvery jewelry box and placed them among the garments. A giant non-pierced ruby of a size that no one had seen was placed in the jewelry box and it was locked with a golden lock. Bilqis said to the envoys, “Before opening the jewelry box, ask them to guess what is in it. If they do not say, bring it back to me. If they answer correctly, tell them to pierce the ruby; and look at them that how they pierce it.” One hundred bondwomen and one hundred beardless slaves wore uniforms. The hair of the slaves was like women’s. Bilqis ordered the envoys to ask them to separate the men from the women. If they can, leave them there and if not bring them back. In addition, she ordered them to ask Solomon, what kind of water it was, which the thirsty could drink, but was neither from the sky nor the earth. She answered the letter of Solomon respectfully, gave it to a wise man, and sent him with the gifts to Solomon (pbuh). Gabriel (pbuh) came to Solomon, informed him and taught him the answer of all the questions. Solomon ordered demons to construct a magnificent location (basat), the carpet of which was composed of golden and silvery bricks (khisht). They brought Solomon’s throne there. Many people were invited. When the emissaries of Bilqis came and saw the carpet of golden and silvery bricks, they were ashamed to present their bricks. Thus, they brought the slaves and bondwomen to Solomon and delivered the messages of Bilqis. Solomon said, “You have also brought four bricks, two of gold and two of silver!” The envoys confessed. Solomon said, “Do you provide me with wealth? But what Allah has given me is better than what He has given you” [Qurʾan 27:36]. [fol. 71a:] Thus, Solomon answered the questions and at a glance separated those men from women. He said that the water, which the thirsty could drink, which was neither from the sky nor the earth, was the sweat of horse, that is drinkable and is not harmful for humans. In the jewelry box was a non-pierced ruby and they did not

Translation of the Illustrated Episodes

269

know how to pierce it; and they wanted to learn how to pierce the ruby. Thus, Solomon ordered a diamond to be brought and they pierced the ruby with it. He gave back all of the gifts and said, “Rather, it is you who rejoice in your gift. Return to them, for we will surely come to them with soldiers that they will be powerless to encounter, and we will surely expel them therefrom in humiliation, and they will be debased” [Qurʾan 27:36–37]. When the envoys returned to Bilqis and explained the glory of Solomon’s kingdom and his pomp, she decided to go to Solomon. Four hundred bondwomen and four hundred equestrians accompanied her. Bilqis was a very beautiful woman who had a silvery throne that its four pillars were constructed with four golden lions. The throne was inlaid with all kind of jewels, its length was six gaz, and its width was four gaz. She designated a thousand guards to protect her throne and court. When Bilqis approached, Solomon wanted to show her the power of God and said to his companions, “Which of you can bring me her throne before she arrives.” Almighty God declared, “[Solomon] said, ‘O assembly [of jinn], which of you will bring me her throne before they come to me in submission?’ ” [Qurʾan 27:38]. One of the Jinn said, “I will bring it to you before you rise from your throne.” “A powerful one from among the jinn said, ‘I will bring it to you before you rise from your place, and indeed, I am for this [task] strong and trustworthy’ ” [Qurʾan 27:39]. Solomon did not want the Jinn to be honoured for doing the task, so said that he needed it sooner. Solomon’s vizier, Asaf, who was one of the descendants of Samuel and whose mother was of the descendant tribe of Levi, the son of Jacob, said, “I will bring it to you within the twinkling of an eye!” “Said one who had knowledge from the Scripture, ‘I will bring it to you before your glance returns to you’” [Qurʾan 27:40]. Solomon was still in his speech when Asaf brought Bilqis’ throne. The intention of Solomon (pbuh) for bringing Bilqis’ throne before her arrival was to examine her wisdom. He ordered it to be placed it in front of his throne. It is narrated that on the arrival day of Bilqis, Solomon (pbuh) ordered a gathering to be organised that no congregation with that greatness had ever been formed before: a manifestation of the majesty of a prophet and king. The grandees and scholars of the children of Israel were seated on golden and silvery seats; he himself sat on the throne; and Asaf with all his glory sat on a couch beside his throne. Demons, fairies, wildlife, [Painting in Hazine 1653] and birds queued on the right, left, under and top [of the throne]. When Bilqis arrived, Solomon (pbuh) seated her beside his throne in honour of her majesty. She had a carbuncled crown on her head and was wearing a pearl-embroidered scarf. Solomon put Bilqis’ throne, which had been brought, opposite to his throne. “He said, ‘Disguise for her throne; we will see whether she will be guided [to truth] or will be of those who is not guided’ ” [Qurʾan 27:41]. When Bilqis was sitting on the throne, she looked at the throne and suspected that it was hers. Solomon asked her whether her throne looked

270

Appendix 1

like that one. Bilqis replied, “It is as if it were the very one.” She neither denied nor confirmed. Solomon from her reply judged that she was intelligent. Exalted God declared, “So when she arrived, it was said [to her], ‘Is your throne like this?’ She said, ‘[It is] as though it was it’ ” [Qurʾan 27:42]. It is said that Asaf asked this question from Bilqis and when he heard her reply, said to Solomon, [fol. 71b:] “If she with her intelligence submits to Islam, she will be more graceful than this.” Bilqis heard that talk and said, “Almighty God gave me the knowledge to find that it is my throne that has been brought from Sheba. I submit with Solomon to God, Lord of the worlds.” Almighty God declared, “And we were given knowledge before her, and we have been Muslims [in submission to Allah]. And that which she was worshipping other than Allah had averted her [ from submission to Him]. Indeed, she was from a disbelieving people.” [Qurʾan 27:42–43]. Solomon (pbuh) had a sister; and brought Bilqis to her house. He wished to marry her. At that time, he had seventy-four wives and four hundred concubines (surayyat). When forty days passed after Bilqis’ arrival, Solomon who had heard desirable characteristics and beauties of Bilqis from his sister, decided to marry her. Solomon’s wives wanted to dissuade him from marriage and told him that Bilqis was a hairy (shaʿra) woman and she had very hairy shins. Solomon hesitated and according to “hearsay is not like inspection,” wanted to investigate the accuracy of their talk. Therefore, he ordered demons to construct a palace (sarh) with smooth floor so that whoever would see it would imagine that it was water. He sat beside the palace and summoned Bilqis. Thinking it was water, as Bilqis stepped on the floor, she lifted her garment above her legs. Solomon found that she was not hairy, and told her that it was not water but it was mirror. “She was told, ‘Enter the palace.’ But when she saw it, she thought it was a body of water and uncovered her shins [to wade through]. He said, ‘Indeed, it is a palace [whose floor is] made smooth with glass’ ” [Qurʾan 27:44]. When Bilqis heard that it was mirror not water and she had uncovered her legs, she was ashamed and said, “My Lord, indeed I have wronged myself, and I submit with Solomon to Allah, Lord of the worlds” [Qurʾan 27:44]. Solomon married Bilqis and gave her the monarchy of Sheba. With the agreement of Bilqis, the people of Sheba converted to Islam. It is narrated that Solomon ordered a golden throne to be built for Bilqis. Four spellbound lions with fire-spitting mouths were prowling around its columns. Above each lion, there were two ruby-eyed vultures. When Solomon attended Bilqis’ throne, those vultures sprinkled rosewater on them. Above the throne’s knurls (kungura ha), there were two birds that opened their wings when Solomon wanted privacy with Bilqis, so that no one would see them. On the other side, there were four peaco*cks, whose mouths gave the fragrance of ambergris and ban (i.e. a plant species with scientific name of Moringa aptera). It is said that when Asaf sat on his couch, there was a lion, and if someone testified falsely, the lion would attack him. And God knows best.

Translation of the Illustrated Episodes

271

Jesus’ Coming to Jerusalem

[fol. 98b:] Almighty God commanded Jesus to return to Jerusalem and to summon the children of Israel. He came to Jerusalem, entered the temple, and read the Gospel to the people. John, the son of Zechariah (Yahya ibn Zakariya) believed in him but other people of the children of Israel did not. Almighty God has narrated that Jesus said to the children of Israel, “Indeed I have come to you with a sign from your Lord” [Qurʾan 3:49]. “I am a prophet and I have brought a divine sign from Exalted God.” They said, “What kind of sign do you have?” He replied, “I design for you from clay [which is] like the form of a bird, then I breathe into it and it becomes a bird by permission of Allah” [Qurʾan 3:49]. They said, “Make it.” Thus, he made out of clay the shape of a bird, which is called bat (shab-para), and in the Arabic language (tazi) is called khuffash. No one had seen this kind of bird before, and Jesus (pbuh) made the first of this type of bird. Thus, when he blew on it, it flew and went to the sky. It is a strange bird, which has no feather on its body and only has flesh and bone. They said, “Do you have another sign?” He replied, “And I cure the blind and the leper” [Qurʾan 3:49]. “I heal those born blind and leprous, which all of physicians are unable to cure.” They examined some cases, and the patients were all healed by Jesus’s prayer. The children of Israel were still in defiance and said, “Do you have any other sign?” He said the greatest sign is that: “I give life to the dead – by permission of Allah” [Qurʾan 3:49]. The Israelites requested a sign from an ancient tomb in a valley between the mountains of Jerusalem. They had found in narratives that the tomb of Shem, the son of Noah was in that valley. They said, “Shem, the son of Noah, is our father. Bring him back to life.” Jesus stood on the edge of that valley and the Israelites gathered. Jesus called: “O Shem, the son of Noah, arise by permission of God.” In the location of his tomb, the earth moved and split. Shem, the son of Noah, arose and sat, and dust was pouring from his head and face; and his beard was white. The Israelites had heard that the first person whose beard had been white was Abraham (pbuh) and before him, no one had had white hair among the children of Adam. They said, “O Jesus, he is not Shem.” Jesus asked him, “Who are you?” He replied, “I am Shem, the son of Noah.” Shem asked, “Who are you?” He replied, “I am Jesus, the son of Mary and God’s messenger.” Jesus asked, “Why is your beard white? At the time of your death, no one had a white beard.” He said, “I had black hair; but when I heard your voice, I supposed that it was the voice of Israfil7 and that the day of resurrection had come. Fearing the resurrection, my hair became white.” Jesus said, “O Shem, do you want me to pray to God so that you live with us?” He said, “O God’s messenger, 7 Israfil is one of the four Islamic archangels who is the angel of the trumpet. See Macdonald, “Mala‌ʾika,” 217.

272

Appendix 1

although I may live for a long time, I must die eventually. I have not forgotten the bitterness of death yet.” [Painting in the dispersed manuscript] “Pray to God so that the earth swallows me again as I was before.” Jesus prayed and Shem sank into the earth again. The Jews do not deny this story, but they say that Shem was revived for one hour so that the people saw him and he did not speak. He then sank into the earth again. Another sign was that he said, “And I inform you of what you eat and what you store in your houses” [Qurʾan 3:49]. “I can tell you whatever you should eat, and what you store.” He said to everyone what he had eaten and whatever remained of his food. [Jesus said] “Indeed that is a sign for you, if you are believers” [Qurʾan 3:49]. Jesus declared, “This should be proof for you, if you are to be believers.” He said, “[I have come] confirming what was before me of the Torah and to make lawful for you some of what was forbidden to you” [Qurʾan 3:50]. [Jesus said] “I will ease the difficulties which were in the Torah and I may allow you part of that which has been forbidden.” One of the things that was forbidden in Torah and was made lawful in the Gospel is suet of the sheep. Suet, in the religion of Jews, was forbidden and it was difficult for them. As Almighty God declared: And to those who are Jews We prohibited every animal of uncloven hoof; and of the cattle and the sheep We prohibited to them their fat, except what adheres to their backs or the entrails or what is joined with bone. [Qurʾan 6:146] These were forbidden for them, but in the shariʿa of the Gospel, these were lawful. Another thing that was prohibited was fishing on Saturday. Working on Saturday was forbidden for Jews, but when Jesus came, in the shariʿa of the Gospel these were allowed. [Jesus said] “So fear Allah and obey me” [Qurʾan 3:50]. They saw all these signs, but they did not hear, and they disbelieved it saying, “This is mere magic.” And [mention] when Jesus, the son of Mary, said, “O children of Israel, indeed I am the messenger of Allah to you confirming what came before me.” [Qurʾan 61:6] ʿAbd-Allah ibn ʿAbbas – may God be pleased with him, said, “There was no prophet from the time of Adam up to the time of Jesus, who did not announce that Muhammad (pbuh) would come, and did not make a covenant promise that if Muhammad came in your era, believe in him; and Jesus also said this matter to his people.” Almighty God declared: “But when he came to them with clear evidences, they said, ‘This is obvious magic’ ” [Qurʾan 61:6].

Translation of the Illustrated Episodes

273

The Prophet Jonah

[fol. 107a:] One of the wonders at the time of muluk-i tawayif (i.e. the periods of Seleucid and Parthian empire) is the story of Jonah (Yunus), the son of Mita (pbuh). Jonah was one of God’s apostles. Almighty God declared, “And indeed, Jonah was among the messengers” [Qurʾan 37:179]. One of the prophets whose mother is acknowledged is Jesus, the son of Mary, and another prophet is Jonah, the son of Mita (pbuh). Mita was the mother of Jonah. Almighty God sent Jonah to the town of Nineveh, in the land of Mosul. All of the people of Nineveh were idolaters. Jonah delivered the divine message to them but they did not accept it. It is said that he invited them to God for a period of thirty-three years, but except for two men, no one believed in him. When Jonah was disheartened by his people, he cursed them. He heard from God “You were hasty to ask punishment for Our servants. Invite them for another forty days. If they do not believe, We will punish them.” Thus, Jonah warned the people “If you do not believe, a painful punishment will descend.” Thirty-seven days passed from the promise and he gave a final warning that God’s chastisem*nt would follow soon, but the people still insisted on their disbelief and straying. The following day, their complexion changed and Jonah said, “This is a sign of punishment,” but they still did not believe in him. On the fortieth night appeared a dark cloud like a great smoke. When Jonah was sure that God’s punishment had come, he left the city. Afterwards, Almighty God sent a red cloud like a fire, [fol. 107b:] so that it flared up above their heads. The people and the king knew that the punishment had come. The king said, “Find Jonah [to tell him] that we are going to believe in God. We knew that he was truthful.” Jonah, because of his extreme anger – because they did not believe earlier – abandoned them and fled. Exalted God declared, “[Mention] when he ran away to the laden ship” [Qurʾan 37:140], and in another place, He said, “And [mention] the man of the fish, when he went off in anger” [Qurʾan 21:87]. He went to the sea so that they could not find him. When the punishment was upon their heads and they could not find Jonah, God caused them to repent. They went to a wise man nearby and said to him, “Such chastisem*nt has descended upon us. We had a prophet and we inadvertently did not listen to his words, and now we have regretted.” The wise man advised them to say: You are the one that is, constantly living, having everything under control. Alive while there was no other living. You are the one who made the dead living again. O God, forever alive. There is no other God except you. Thus, the entire population gathered on a mountaintop and brought all their animals – such as oxen, sheep, donkeys, horses and hens – out of the city. The king placed his face on the earth and all the people cried. Their number was more than one hundred

274

Appendix 1

thousand. As it is said, “And We sent him to [his people of ] a hundred thousand or more” [Qurʾan 37:147]. The king said to God, “If Jonah left us, You would not forbid the hand of mercy upon us, and if we were disappointed in Jonah, we would not be disappointed in You.” The king commanded them to bring all the idols and broke them. They repented and begged for God’s forgiveness. They cried for three days, so that the angels of the heavens heard their sounds of wailing. On the fourth day, God accepted their sincere repentance, had mercy upon them, and removed the torment. The faith and repentance of no people had been accepted after the descent of punishment except for the folk of Jonah. Almighty God declared, “Then has there not been a [single] city that believed so its faith benefited it except the people of Jonah?” [Qurʾan 10:98]. They believed in God; and God accepted their faith, but Jonah was not among them to guide them to the straight path and teach them the shariʿa. They waited so that Almighty God would send Jonah to them. Jonah, nearby, waited for the news of how his people destroyed. Suddenly, someone came, and Jonah asked him about the news of the town. He told him that Jonah had abandoned his people. Exalted God had sent punishment, but they had prayed and God had accepted their repentance and had removed his wrath. When Jonah heard that talk, he became sad and said, “I swear to God that I won’t return to them because they will taunt me as ‘you are a liar.’ ” He was in a hurry and rushed into making the decision, and because of this reason, Almighty God said to the Prophet Muhammad (pbuh), “ [O Muhammad], and be not like the companion of the fish when he called out while he was distressed” [Qurʾan 68:48]. Jonah left the place of his mission without divine permission and went forth enraged, thinking God has no power to take him to task. Exalted God declared, “And [mention] the man of the fish, when he went off in anger and thought that We would not decree [anything] upon him” [Qurʾan 21:87]. In the meantime, Jonah came to the shore and saw people boarding a ship. He boarded the ship because he feared that they would find him. When the ship reached the middle of the sea, a giant fish prevented it from moving. The fish was whirling around the laden ship. The people were frightened and moaned. They said that there was a man in that ship who had committed a great sin. Jonah said, “I have committed the sin. Throw me in the sea.” At the time, Jonah realized that his escape from the people was a sin, and Exalted God disliked it. The vessel was already overloaded; [so that the glorious Qurʾan says, ] “[Mention] when he ran away to the laden ship” [Qurʾan 37:140]. He said, “This fish wants me.” They said, “Who are you?” He answered, “I am God’s messenger to the people of Nineveh, Jonah, the son of Mita, and I am guiltier than all of you. Throw me in the sea, and then you can sail ahead safely.” Some say that they drew lots three times. Then lots were drawn each time, the name of Jonah came out. Almighty God said, “And he drew lots and was among the losers” [Qurʾan 37:141]. They wrote the names of all the ship’s people on the pieces of broken pottery and threw

Translation of the Illustrated Episodes

275

them in the water and said, “O God, bring the name of whoever you want onto the water.” All of the names went down and the name of Jonah came up. They drew a second and a third lot, but his name came up again. They said to Jonah, “You know well.” So Jonah stood at the edge of the ship and threw himself into the sea. Exalted God commanded the fish to swallow him; so that He declared, “Then the fish swallowed him, while he was blameworthy” [Qurʾan 37:142]. Thus, Exalted God informed the fish, “He is not your aliment. Keep him well.” At the same time, Jonah prayed in the belly of the fish. The fish was so big that Jonah was not visible in its belly. Jonah constantly continued praying to God. Almighty God declared, “And had he not been of those who exalt Allah, He would have remained inside its belly until the Day they are resurrected” [Qurʾan 37:143–144]. If it had not been for his praying to God, Jonah would have stayed in the fish’s stomach up to the Day of Judgment. Thus, Jonah stayed in the fish’s belly forty days, and during those forty days, [fol. 108a:] the fish did not eat any food fearing Jonah would be destroyed. When forty days passed, Almighty God wanted to save him. Jonah (pbuh) in the darkness of the fish’s stomach, the darkness of the sea, and the darkness of the night, prayed to God. “And he called out within the darknesses, ‘There is no deity except You; exalted are You. Indeed, I have been of the wrongdoers’ ” [Qurʾan 21:87]. Then his repentance was accepted. “So We responded to him and saved him from the distress. And thus do We save the believers” [Qurʾan 21:88]. “Thus do We deliver those who have faith.” Thereafter, Almighty God commanded the angel of the sea to bring the fish from the bottom of the sea to the shore, where Jonah had boarded the ship. From that location, it would take three days to travel to the town of Nineveh. The fish vomited up Jonah onto the shore. [Painting in the dispersed manuscript] Jonah had become like a newborn baby. His skin had become thin because he had not eaten or drunk for forty days, and he was ill. Almighty God said, “But We threw him onto the open shore while he was ill” [Qurʾan 37:145]. Exalted God grew a gourd vine in that place to provide him food and shelter. A deer was commanded to provide milk for him. She suckled Jonah twice a day until he regained his strength. His hair began to grow again, and his bones became strong. Almighty God declared, “And We caused to grow over him a gourd vine” [Qurʾan 37:146]. When he regained his strength, he stood in prayer. One day he had gone to do something. When he returned, the gourd vine was dried up. Jonah cried and became sad that its shadow had disappeared. Exalted God revealed to him, “O Jonah neither you planted the vine, nor did you grow it, yet you are crying for it! Why did you wish to destroy a hundred thousand people?” Thereafter, God sent him to his people again. Almighty God said, “And We sent him to [his people of ] a hundred thousand or more” [Qurʾan 37:147]. Jonah came to the suburb of the town and saw a shepherd with his sheep. He asked the shepherd about the news of the town. The shepherd said, “Their prophet Jonah, the son of Mita, abandoned them and left the

276

Appendix 1

city. Almighty God showed His punishment to them, so the people believed in God. Now they are looking for Jonah to teach them the shariʿa.” Jonah said, “I am Jonah, go to the city and announce it.” The shepherd asked, “O the messenger of God, where will you be?” Jonah replied, “Near this mountain.” The shepherd asked, “Who can guide me to you?” Jonah replied, “This goat will guide you.” He asked, “Who will testify my claim that I have seen Jonah?” He replied, “This dog.” The shepherd went to the city, announced them and the dog testified. The entire population of the city came out. When they reached the herd, that goat guided them to the mountain. Jonah was praying. They waited until he finished praying. He accompanied them to the city, and all of them believed in him up to the time of death. Almighty God declared, “And they believed, so We gave them enjoyment [of life] for a time” [Qurʾan 37:148]. Almighty God accepted the repentance of Jonah and the people. “And his Lord chose him and made him of the righteous” [Qurʾan 68:50].

Excavation of [the Well of] Zamzam

[fol. 151b:] ʿAbd al-Muttalib saw in a dream that someone commanded him, “Dig tayba!” He did not know what tayba is, and the person disappeared. In the second night, he saw that someone said him, “Dig barra!” And while he did not know what barra is, the person disappeared. In the third night, he saw in the same way that he said, “Dig madnuna” and while he did not know what madnuna is, the person disappeared. In the last night, he saw the person saying, “Dig Zamzam. If you dig it, you will not regret.” ʿAbd al-Muttalib asked, “What is Zamzam?” He replied, “The legacy of your forefather, Ishmael (pbuh) that the well Zamzam was dedicated to him.” Its story is mentioned in the account of Ishmael. ʿAbd al-Muttalib asked about its location. He said, “At the spot between excretion and blood.8 There is an ant’s nest there as well, and a crow pecks there.” The following day, ʿAbd al-Muttalib, who had no son but Harith, took an axe and with his son went to that location. It was outside Mecca between two great idols, ansaf and nayila – the sacrificing place of the people of Quraysh. He saw there that a crow pecked the ground [fol. 152a:] and there was an ant’s nest there. [Painting in the dispersed manuscript] He struck the axe several times and saw the sign of the well; and he recited takbir. When the people of Quraysh, who were ridiculing him, found that he discovered the well, they came to him and said, “This is the legacy of our father, Ishmael” and asked to 8 The same phrase is declared in the Qurʾan: “And indeed, for you in grazing livestock is a lesson. We give you drink from what is in their bellies – between excretion and blood – pure milk, palatable to drinkers” [Qurʾan, 16:66].

Translation of the Illustrated Episodes

277

help him in order to have a share in the water. ʿAbd al-Muttalib refused and said that he was commanded to do the work alone. They said, “An arbiter should judge between us.” Thus, they departed to go to a druid of the tribe of Bani Saʿd. This druid was a woman who lived in the Levant. ʿAbd al-Muttalib with a few people from the tribe of Bani ʿAbd Manaf who were his allies departed. A few people from the tribe of Quraysh joined them. The path was wilderness and after some days, their water finished. ʿAbd al-Muttalib asked for water from the people of Quraysh. They refused and said, “If we give you water, we will be destroyed.” ʿAbd al-Muttalib asked every one of his retinue to dig a grave for himself, so that everyone who died earlier, the others would bury him. They dug their grave and were waiting for the moment of death. ʿAbd al-Muttalib said, “Nevertheless, we have to try to find water in this desert.” They arose to find water. When ʿAbd al-Muttalib wanted to ride his camel, a water fountain gushed from underneath of his camel. They recited takbir, drank the water and allowed the people of Quraysh to drink. The people of Quraysh said to ʿAbd al-Muttalib, “The God Who bestowed this well in this wilderness has given the well of Zamzam to you. Now, return to continue your affair, and we will not struggle with you.” Therefore, they returned. When ʿAbd al-Muttalib dug the well of Zamzam, he discovered two golden gazelles, swords, iron weapons and [swords of a type called] qalaʿi that were buried by [the tribe of] Bani Jurhum. The people of Quraysh came and asked him to have a share in that. ʿAbd al-Muttalib said, “We will draw lot in the name of the house of Kaʿba and you. If the name of Kaʿba comes out, you will not have any share in it.” Then lots were drawn and the name of Kaʿba came out. ʿAbd al-Muttalib melted those weapons, built an iron door for the house of Kaʿba, and installed the two golden gazelles to the door of the house.

The Birth of [the Prophet] Mustafa

[fol. 152b:] From the historians and narrators it has been narrated that the birth of Mustafa (pbuh) was in ʿam al-fil (year of elephant) in Mecca on Monday, the twelfth of Rabiʿ al-Awwal, and the forty-second year of the reign of Nushirvan the Just, concurrent with the twentieth of Naysan (i.e. approximately corresponds to April) in the year 882, according to Alexander’s calendar. [Painting in the Arabic codex] That year is called the year of elephant because Abraha ibn Sabah al-Habashi, the king of Yemen, marched upon Mecca with a large army and elephants intending to demolish the Kaʿba. Exalted God sent against them swarms of birds so that they perished. Its story has been mentioned in the Holy Scripture. The beginning of his apostleship was in the twenty-second year of the reign of Khusraw Parviz. His mother was Amina bint Wahb al-Zahri and his father was

278

Appendix 1

ʿAbd-Allah, the youngest son of ʿAbd al-Muttalib. The most correct narrative is that he was still not born when his father died. The place of his birth was a house that is known as the house of Muhammad [ibn] Yusuf Thaqafi today. It was owned by the Prophet’s mother (pbuh). He was born and lived there until the time of the hijra (migration). When Mustafa (pbuh) migrated to Medina, ʿAqil ibn Abi Talib sold the house at a low price to a man from the tribe of Quraysh. The Prophet did not agree but said nothing. On the day of the conquest of Mecca, when Mustafa (pbuh) entered Mecca with a great army, he asked his uncle ʿAbbas, “Where should I alight?” ʿAbbas replied, “O Messenger of God, alight at your house where you born.” The Prophet said, “Has ʿAqil left for us a house?” This talk became a proverb amongst the Arabs. At the time that ʿAbd al-Malik ibn Marwan sent Hajjaj [ibn] Yusuf Thaqafi to Mecca to fight ʿAbd-Allah ibn Zubayr, Hajjaj, after killing ʿAbd-Allah ibn Zubayr, demolishing the Kaʿba with a catapult, conquered Mecca and made his brother Muhammad ibn Yusuf Thaqafi the Amir of Mecca. He bought the house and attached it to the mosque; and it was known as the house of Muhammad Yusuf. It was a part of the mosque until the time of Harun al-Rashid. In that time, the mosque was reconstructed and the house was separated from the mosque and today it is located beside the mosque. When the time of her delivery came, Amina, the Prophet’s mother, said, “I saw in a dream that someone came down from the heaven and said me, ‘The holy begotten which you are carrying is the greatest man among the creatures. When he will be born, give him the name Muhammad and say: I seek refuge in the One from the evils of the envious when they envy.’” Amina told the dream to ʿAbd al-Muttalib. At the time of accouchement, she said, “I saw a light, which shone from the baby [Painting in the dispersed manuscript] so that it spread out lighting up the universe; and the palaces of the Levant appeared [to me] and its light reached the stars.” When ʿAbd al-Muttalib heard her talk, he gave him the name Muhammad. [Painting in Hazine 1654] In the books, it has been mentioned that at the time of his birth, the idols that were around the Kaʿba collapsed, the fire of fire-temples died down, the sea of Sava dried up, and twelve battlements of Nushirvan’s palace fell down. The first woman who breast-fed Mustafa was a maid of Abu Lahab, Thuwayba. [She breast-fed the Prophet together] with her own son, Masruh. Before Muhammad (pbuh), she had breast-fed his uncle Hamza. Mustafa honoured Thuwayba, and also [his wife] Khadija esteemed her. She wanted to buy her from Abu Lahab and to manumit her, but Abu Lahab did not agree. After the migration of Mustafa from Mecca, Abu Lahab manumitted her. Always Mustafa used to send something to her from Medina to Mecca. [She was alive] until the Prophet returned from [the battle of] Khaybar. The Prophet reached Ghurab (i.e. a mountain near Medina) and asked about her son, Masruh. [The people] said that he had died before his mother. [fol. 153a:]

Translation of the Illustrated Episodes

279

He asked if he had any relative, and they replied no. After Thuwayba, Halima bint Abi Dhuayb al-Saʿdiya breast-fed Mustafa, in the clan of Bani Saʿd ibn Bakr ibn Hawazin. Other children of Halima who were foster siblings of Mustafa are ʿAbd-Allah and his sister. Halima came to visit the holy messenger after his marriage to Khadija and she was honoured by them. She passed away before the conquest of Mecca. The [people of] Saʿd clan were the most eloquent amongst all Arabs. The Prophet (pbuh) has declared, “I am the most eloquent amongst Arabs, and I grew up in [the clan of] Bani Saʿd ibn Bakr.” The Prophet was five years old when his foster mother, Halima brought him to Medina, and in that time his mother passed away. Umm Ayman, the maid of Amina, brought him to Mecca and entrusted him to his grandfather, ʿAbd al-Muttalib. When the moment of ʿAbd al-Muttalib’s death came, he entrusted him to his son, Abu Talib who was the brother of [Muhammad’s father] ʿAbd-Allah. In that time, the Messenger (pbuh) was aged eight. When he accompanied Abu Talib on the journey to the Levant and went to the monk Bahira, as will be mentioned, he was aged twelve. When he got married to Khadija, he was aged twenty-five. When the [tribe of] Quraysh reconstructed the Kaʿba and they struggled with each other about the putting of Hajar al-aswad (Black Stone) in its place, and they agreed upon the verdict of the Messenger, he was aged thirty-five. When he put the crown of apostleship on his head and was sent the divine inspiration, he was aged forty; and the revelation was in the month of Ramadan, on a Monday. When both Abu Talib and Khadija passed away in a year, he was aged forty-nine. When he ascended to heaven (miʿraj) he was aged fifty-two, and when he migrated from Mecca to Medina he was aged fifty-three. The most correct narrative is that he went from the house of the world onto the house of the hereafter on Monday, the seventh of Rabiʿ al-Awwal, in the eleventh year after the hijra. Peace and blessings be upon him. And God knows best.

The First Divine Revelation and the Beginning of the Apostle’s Mission

[fol. 154a:] When the Prophet (pbuh) was aged forty, in the twentieth year of Khusraw Parviz’s reign, Almighty God sent Gabriel (pbuh) to him. The first inspiration (wahy) that was revealed to him was on Monday in the Month of Ramadan. According to a narrative, it was on the eighteenth day, but the seventeenth and twenty-fourth days are also recorded. In some of the narratives, the month of Rabiʿ al-Awwal has been mentioned. However, the month of Ramadan is correct, [Painting in the dispersed manuscript] because it has been mentioned in some verses of the glorious Qurʾan. First, this verse: “The month of Ramadan [is that] in which was revealed the Qurʾan, a guidance for the people and clear proofs of guidance and criterion” [Qurʾan 2:185]. Second, is the

280

Appendix 1

sura of Al-Qadr: “Indeed, We sent the Qurʾan down during the Night of Decree (qadr)” [Qurʾan 97:1]. The reason that it was the seventeenth of Ramadan is this verse: “If you have believed in Allah and in that which We sent down to Our Servant on the day of criterion – the day when the two armies met” [Qurʾan 8:41]. The meeting of two armies was the battle between Mustafa (pbuh) and the polytheists in the battle of Badr. The battle day was on Friday, the seventeenth of Ramadan. According to a narrative from Muhammad ibn Ishaq Sahib Maghazi, he saw true visions during the six months before the first revelation, so that there was no difference between them. [He saw in the dreams that] when he walked, the stones, the trees, and all things greeted him. When the revelation began, Gabriel came to him and said, “O Muhammad, [Painting in Hazine 1653] [fol. 154b:] you are the Apostle of God.” The Prophet (pbuh) said, “I kneeled while I was shaken; then I went to Khadija and told her, ‘Cover me! Cover me! Cover me till my fear is over.’ Then I returned to [the cave of] Hira. Gabriel came again and said, ‘O Muhammad, you are the Apostle of God, and I am Gabriel.’ Then he said, ‘Read!’ (iqra‌ʾ). I replied, what should I read while I am not a reader? So he caught me and pressed me three times so hard that I could not bear it anymore, and said, ‘Recite in the name of your Lord who created – Created man from a clinging substance. Recite, and your Lord is the most Generous – Who taught by the pen – Taught man that which he knew not’ [Qurʾan 96:1–5]. Thus, I went to Khadija and told her what had happened.” Khadija went to her cousin, Waraqa ibn Nawfal who was a theist and savant, had read many books, and had made detailed studies of the Gospel and the Torah. She told him what had happened. Waraqa said, “Holy (quddus)! Holy! There has come to him the greatest namus (i.e. the shariʿa or divine decrees) which came to Moses (pbuh). He will be the prophet of this people, that his account has been mentioned in the books. If I live to experience his epoch, I shall come strongly to his aid.” Mustafa (pbuh) came from [the cave of] Hira‌ʾ to the house of Kaʿba. While he was circumambulating the Kaʿba, Waraqa ibn Nawfal asked him about the event. The Apostle (pbuh) told him what had happened. Waraqa said, “This is the great namus which was revealed to Moses, the son of Amram. I wish to stay alive at the time when your people deport you from this city.” The Prophet said, “Will my people deport me?” He said, “Yes, whenever the Revelation (wahy) was sent down to a prophet, his people would become his enemy. If I stay alive until that day, I will support you.” After Iqra‌ʾ (i.e. Al-ʿAlaq, the name of 96th sura of the Qurʾan) the suras of AlMuddaththir (The Cloaked One), Al-Qalam (The Pen) and Al-Duha (The Morning Light) were revealed to the Prophet. All the scholars agree that the first one who converted to Islam was Khadija – may God be pleased with her. The first law of the Islamic shariʿa that was prescribed for the Apostle was confession of the Oneness of Exalted God and disavowing of the idols.

281

Translation of the Illustrated Episodes

When ritual prayer (namaz) was prescribed, Gabriel came to Mustafa while he was in the upper part of Mecca, and he struck the ground with his foot, whereupon a fountain gushed out. Then Gabriel (pbuh) performed the ritual ablution (wuduʾ) in order to teach the Prophet. Next, the Prophet performed the ritual ablution as he had seen. Then Gabriel rose up and led him in prayer, and the Prophet followed his actions. Afterward the Prophet went home and taught Khadija how to perform the ritual ablution and the ritual prayer.

Conversion of the Companions and Disagreement of Scholars about the First One who Converted to Islam

[fol. 154b:] All the scholars are unanimous that the first one who converted to Islam was Khadija, may God be pleased with her. Most of the narrators and the historians agree that after her, the commander of the faithful ʿAli, then Zayd ibn Haritha al-Kalbi and then Abu Bakr al-Siddiq converted to Islam. [fol. 155a:] From the commander of the faithful ʿAli (pbuh) it is narrated that he said, “I am the servant of God, the brother of His messenger and the great truthful one (al-siddiq al-akbar). Anyone who claims this after me would be a liar. I have prayed to God along with the Prophet seven years before any other person did.” From ʿAbd-Allah ibn ʿAbbas and others there are several narratives [confirming this matter]. And concerning the conversion of Abu Bakr al-Siddiq to Islam: his name was ʿAbdAllah and his appellation was ʿAtiq. The Prophet called him ʿatiq, which means: “delivered from the punishments of the fire.” According to another narrative, ʿatiq was his name. He was the son of Abi Quhafa. His name was ʿUthman ibn ʿAmir ibn ʿAmr ibn Kaʿb ibn Saʿd ibn Taym ibn Murra [ibn Kaʿb ibn Luvay ibn Ghalib ibn Fihr ibn Malik ibn Nadhr ibn Kinana ibn Mudrika ibn Ilyas ibn Mudhar ibn Nizar ibn Maʿad ibn ʿAdnan. A group of the companions and historians say that he was the first one who converted to Islam.]9 ʿAmir ibn Shaʿbi – may God be pleased with him, said that he had asked from ʿAbd-Allah ibn ʿAbbas about the first one who converted to Islam and he narrated in answer the poetry of Hassan ibn Thabit al-Ansari:

‫ ف��ا �ذکــ خ‬ ‫ا��اک ا ب�ا ب��کر ب�م�ـ�ا ��ف�ع�لا‬ ‫ر‬ ‫ف‬ � ‫ب ��عــ�د ا �ل��نبـی و ا و��ا �ه�ا ب�م�ا‬ ‫حــ��م�لا‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ و ا ول ا ��لن��ا ��س �م ن��ه� �ص�د � ا �لر��س�لا‬ ‫م‬

‫�ذ ت ذ‬ ‫�خ‬ ‫� ت‬ �‫� ش��ج‬ ‫�وا �م� ن� ا �ی ث��ق�ه‬ ‫ا ا �� کر‬ ‫خ�ی��ر ا �ل ب��ــ�ر�ی�ه تا��قــ�ا �ه�ا و ا ع�د ��ل�ه�ا‬ ‫ح��م د � ش‬ ‫ث ن ت‬ ‫م��ه�د ه‬ ‫ا ��ل��ا �ی ا �ل��ـ�ا لی ا لم�� و‬

9 The text between the square brackets is only transcribed in the dispersed manuscript, and does not exist in Hazine 1653.

282

Appendix 1 When you remember the distress of a steadfast brother, Then recall your brother Abu Bakr and what he has done, The best of people, the most devout and righteous of them, And the most trustful in accomplishing what he has undertaken, The second, the follower, the dignity of whose witnessing is glorified, And the first among those who confirmed the Apostle.

The intention of bringing this poem is the last verse, which says that he was the first one who confirmed the Prophet. ʿAmr ibn ʿUtba ibn al-Salami said, “I am the fourth person converted to Islam; and before me no one became Muslim except for Abu Bakr, Bilal and Ibrahim Nakhaʿi.” It is said that the first one who converted to Islam was Abu Bakr. Before advent of Islam, he was a close friend to the Prophet and among the Quraysh people he was trustworthy, honourable and honest. He was a merchant and when he sat in the mosque of Mecca, the people gathered around him. In the mosque, his circle like the circle of Abu Talib, who was the head of Mecca, was the most crowded. Mustafa (pbuh) often sat in his circle. From Mustafa it is narrated that he said, “Whenever I offered Islam to anyone, he always showed hesitation, but Abu Bakr accepted Islam without any reluctance.” [Painting in the dispersed manuscript] When he converted to Islam, he invited others to Islam and some people were converted by him. ʿUthman ibn ʿAffan, Zubayr ibn al-ʿUwam who was a nephew of Khadija and his mother was the Prophet’s aunt, ʿAbd al-Rahman ibn ʿAuf, Saʿd ibn Abi Waqqas and Talha ibn ʿUbayd Allah who was Abu Bakr’s cousin were converted to Islam by him. When these five people became Muslim, he brought them to the Prophet so that they became Muslims at the hands of the Holy Messenger. Indeed, after Khadija these eight people were forerunners: ʿAli ibn Abi Talib (pbuh), Zayd ibn Abi Haritha, Abu Bakr, ʿUthman ibn ʿAffan, Zubayr ibn al-ʿAwam, ʿAbd al-Rahman ibn ʿAuf, Saʿd ibn Abi Waqqas and Talha ibn ʿUbayd Allah – may God be pleased with them.

Appendix 2

Headings and Illustrations in Hazine 1653 1 Key SI RI Folio 1b 2b

3a 3b 4a 5b–6a

Shahrukhi illustration Rashidi illustration

Illuminated ʿunwan: “In the name of God the Merciful the Com passionate” (binam-i izad-i bakhshayanda-yi mihraban). The glories of the king of Islam, the succourer of the truth and the world and the Religion, Shahrukh Bahadur, may God perpetuate his kingdom and sultanate. The reason of the book’s composition. Concerning the definition of history. Concerning the reality of the science of history. The usefulness of the science of history. [A double page contains the table of contents of the first volume (qism).]

1.1 First Volume (qism) From the time of Adam up to the advent of the last Prophet (pbuh). This volume con sists of a prologue (muqaddima) and four chapters (bab). Prologue: In the prologue, there are nine accounts (zikr). 6b [A Safavid illuminated ʿunwan without heading.]1 7a Concerning the creation of Adam (pbuh). 7b The prostration of the angels before Adam. The creation of Eve (pbuh). 8a The expulsion of Adam and Eve from paradise. 8b Adam’ coming to the earth. Adam’s performance of the hajj and the characteristics of the most frequented house (bayt al-maʿmur). The children and the descendants of Adam (pbuh). 1 Compared with the table of contents on folio 5b, it can be deduced that the Safavid ʿunwan has covered the original caption entitled: “The Beginning of Creation.”

284 9a 9b 10a

Appendix 2 SI

“Adam orders Abel and Cain to sacrifice.” The descendants of Adam that were shown to him in a dream. The death of Adam (pbuh).

First Chapter (bab): The lives of the prophets before the Flood and the beginning of the history of the Persian kings. This chapter consists of two subchapters ( fasl). First Subchapter (fasl): From the prophethood of Seth up to the time of Noah (pbuh). This subchapter consists of three accounts (zikr). 10a First account: concerning the lives of Seth and his children. 10b Second account: concerning the life of Ikhnukh (pbuh) who is called Idris. 11a Third account: concerning the life of the prophet Noah (pbuh). 12a SI “The ark of Noah.” 13a In his Athar al-baqiya wa al-qurun al-khaliya, Abu Rayhan Biruni has brought the story of the Flood as follows. Second Subchapter (fasl): The Persian kings from Kayumars up to Zu, the son of Tahmasib. They are the first group of the Persian kings and they are called Pishdadiyan. They are also called al-ʿAdilun. They were ten kings as follows. 13b Kayumars SI “Kayumars enthroned.” 15b Hushang 17a Tahmuras 17b SI “Tahmuras on a battlefield.” 18a Jamshid 19a SI “Jamshid enthroned.” 20a Zahhak 21a Fereydun 21b SI “Fereydun enthroned.” 23a Manuchihr 23b SI “Manuchihr on a battlefield.” 25b Nawzar 26a SI “Nawzar on a battlefield.” 26b The reign of Afrasiyab in Iran. 27a SI “Afrasiyab orders the killing of Aghriras.” Zav, the son of Tahmasib. Second Chapter (bab): There are two sections ( jumla) in this chapter.

Headings and Illustrations in Hazine 1653

285

First Section (jumla): History of the prophets; and there are eight subchapters ( fasl) in this section. First Subchapter (fasl): Concerning the children of Noah and the events between the Flood and the time of Abraham (pbuh). There are five accounts (zikr) in this subchapter. 28a First account: the children of Noah. 28b The people of ʿAd and the prophet Hud (pbuh). 29a Yuʿrab who was the founder of the Arabic language. 29b Shadid and Shaddad. Salih and the people of Thamud. Second Subchapter: The story of Abraham. This subchapter consists of nine accounts (zikr). 30b First account: from the time of birth up to the beginning of the migration. 31b SI “The prophet Abraham in the fire.” 32a The migration of Abraham (pbuh). 32b The destruction of Nimrod. 33a Ishmael’s birth. 34a Lot (Lut) and his followers. 35a Abraham sacrifices his son. 35b SI “Abraham sacrifices his son.” Constructing the Kaʿba. 36a The death of Abraham (pbuh). 37a The four birds, which were resurrected at the time of Abraham, and [its story] is brought in the Qurʾan. Third Subchapter (fasl): Concerning the descendants of Abraham. There are two accounts (zikr) in this subchapter. 37a First account: [the children of Abraham]. 37b Second account: [Jacob (pbuh)]. 38b SI “The prophet Jacob and his twelve sons.” Fourth Subchapter: The story of Joseph (pbuh). It consists of five tales (hikayat). 39a 40a 41b 44a 48a

The tale of Joseph (pbuh). The tale of Joseph and Zulaykha. “Joseph before the women of Egypt.” The tale of the brothers of Joseph’s coming to Egypt. The tale of Zulaykha.

286

Appendix 2

Fifth Subchapter: Concerning the story of Job and Shuʿayb. 48b The story of Job (pbuh). 49a The story of Shuʿayb (pbuh). Sixth Subchapter: The story of Moses (pbuh). 50a The birth of Moses (pbuh). 51a Moses’ coming from Egypt to Midian to Shuʿayb (pbuh). 52a The prophethood of Moses (pbuh). 53a Moses’ coming to Egypt and delivering the message to Pharaoh. 55b Moses and the Israelites exiting from Egypt and the drowning of Pharaoh and his people. 56b The children of Israel after the drowning of Pharaoh. 58a The corpse that was found among the Israelites. 58b SI “Moses orders the Israelites to sacrifice a cow.” 59a Moses (pbuh) and Korah. 59b SI “Moses and Korah.” Moses who looked for Khizr and their encounter. 61a Moses and the people of ʿAd and ʿUj ibn ʿUnuq. 62a SI “Moses striking the giant ʿUj’s ankle.” 63a The death of Moses and Aaron. Seventh Subchapter: Concerning the prophets after Moses up to David. 63b Concerning Joshua (Yushaʿ) and his life. 64b Caleb (Kalib) and Ezekiel (Hizqil). Dhulkifl (pbuh) 65a Elijah (Ilyas) Elisha (Alyasaʿ) 65b The kings of the Israelites after Elisha up to Samuel (Ishmuʾil). The prophet Samuel (pbuh). 66a Saul (Talut) and his battle with Goliath (Jalut). 67a Saul’s decision to kill David (Dawud) (pbuh) and how he was informed by Almighty God. Eighth Subchapter 67b David’s prophethood and kingdom. 68b Solomon, the son of David, and his kingdom and prophethood. 69b The tale of ant (al-naml). 70a The story of Bilqis and the city of Sheba. 71a SI “Solomon among demons, fairies, wildlife and birds.” 71b The missing of Solomon’s ring.

Headings and Illustrations in Hazine 1653 72b

73b

287

Rehoboam (Rijʿim), the son of Solomon. Aniya, the son of Solomon, and those who ruled over the children of Israel after him. The prophet Isaiah (Shiʿya) and the events that took place in his time.

Second Section (jumla) of the Second Chapter: Concerning the history of the second group of Persian kings that are called Kayaniyan. 74b Kayqubad SI “Rustam in the battle between Kayqubad and Afrasiyab.” 76a Kaykawus. 77a SI “The fire ordeal of Siyawash.” 78b The reign of Kaykhusraw. 79b SI “Kaykhusraw contemplating the corpse of Piran.” 80b The reign of Luhrasb. 81a SI “The daughter of the king of Rum chooses Gushtasb as her husband.” 81b The reign of Gushtasb. 83b Rustam and Isfandiyar. 88a The reign of Bahman, the son of Isfandiyar. 88b The fate of Rustam. 89b Bahman taking revenge against the Sistanians. A lost folio 90a SI “The finding of Darab.” 90b The reign of Darab. 91a The reign of Dara, the son of Darab. 91b SI “Alexander and the dying Dara.” Third Chapter (bab): This chapter consists of five subchapters ( fasl). First Subchapter: Concerning the history of Alexander. 92a Alexander and his battle with Dara and the conquest of Iran. 93a Alexander’s expedition to India. 93b Alexander’s expedition to China. 94a The dam of Gog and Magog. 94b The death of Alexander. Second Subchapter: The history of the prophets after the time of Alexander. 95b The prophet Zechariah (Zakariyya) (pbuh). 96a The birth of Mary (Maryam).

288

Appendix 2

96b

The birth of John (Yahya), the son of Zechariah. The birth of Jesus (pbuh). The migration of Mary and Jesus. The murder of Zechariah (pbuh). Jesus’ coming to Jerusalem. Sending down a table spread with food from heaven for Jesus (pbuh). The ascension of Jesus. The murder of John, the son of Zechariah.

97b 98a 98b 99a 99b 100a

101a–102b: Third Subchapter: The history of the third group of Iranian kings that are called Ashkaniyan. Factional rulers (muluk-i tawa‌ʾif ) lived in their time. They were eighteen kings. They ruled 517 years as follows: Ashk: twelve years; Shapur: forty-two years; Bahram: eleven years; Judarz: fifty years; Hurmuzd: eighteen years; Judarz: nine teen years; Firuz: eleven years; Hurmuzdan: seventeen years; Khusraw: forty years; Khusraw: forty years; Ardavan: fifty-five years; Ardavan: fifty-four years; Khusraw: fifteen years; Bihafarid: thirty years; Bilas: twenty-two years; Judarz: thirty years; Narsi: twenty years; and Ardavan: thirty-one years. Fourth Subchapter: Concerning the history of the kings of Rum after Alexander and the stories of the Arabian kings after Alexander (fol. 102b). 103a The Arabian kings who lived at the time of factional rulers (muluk-i tawa‌ʾif). 103b Jazima al-Abrash. 104a SI “ʿAmr ibn ʿUday after his recovery from madness.” 104b Concerning Jazima and ʿAmr ibn Tarab the king of Jazira, and the murder of ʿAmr, and the reign of ʿAmr’s daughter, and the destruc tion of Jazima. 105a ʿAmr ibn ʿUday taking revenge against Zabba for the murder of Jazima. 106a Tism and Jidis and the story of Hassan ibn Rabiʿ. The companions of the cave (ashab-i kahf ) and the king Decius (Daqyanus). 107a The prophet Jonah (pbuh). 108a The companions of the town (ashab-i qarya) that Almighty God has narrated in the Qurʾan. 108b The story of Samson (Shamshun) the pious. 109a The prophet Jirjis (pbuh).

Headings and Illustrations in Hazine 1653

289

Fourth Chapter (bab): Concerning the history of the last group of the Persian kings that are called Sasanians. Their first king was Ardashir the son of Babak and their last king was Yazdgird ibn Shahriyar. They were thirty-four kings (fol. 110a). 110b Ardashir ibn Sasan known as Ardashir Babakan. SI “Ardashir Babakan hunting.” 113a Ardashir’s expedition to Rum and the events of that campaign. 113b The birth of Shapur and his crown princeship. 114b The reign of Shapur ibn Ardashir. 115a The city of Hasr and the battle of Shapur with Arab Diran. 115b SI “Shapur killing the daughter of the king ʿArab Diran.” Shapur’s expedition to Rum and the battle of Nasibayn. 116a The reign of Hurmuz ibn Shapur ibn Ardashir. 116b The reign of Bahram ibn Hurmuz ibn Shapur ibn Ardashir. 117a Mani Zindiq 117b The reign of Bahram ibn Bahram. The reign of Bahram ibn Bahram ibn Bahram. The reign of Narsi ibn Bahram. 118a The reign of Hurmuz ibn Narsi. The reign of Shapur ibn Hurmuz ibn Narsi who is called Zu al-Aktaf. 118b SI “Shapur ibn Hurmuz playing polo.” 119b The reign of Ardashir ibn Hurmuz. The reign of Shapur ibn Shapur. 120a The reign of Bahram ibn Shapur. The reign of Yazdgird-i Athim. 120b Bahram’s growth in the Arab land and his life before the kingship. 121a SI “Bahram-i Gur killing a lion.” 122a SI “Bahram-i Gur proves his right to the throne of Iran.” 122b The reign of Bahram-i Gur. 125a The reign of Yazdgird ibn Bahram. 125b The reign of Hurmuzd ibn Yazdgird. SI “Hurmuz is captured after the battle with his brother Firuz.” The reign of Firuz ibn Yazdgird. 126a SI “The punishment of Firuz and his army.” The reign of Balash ibn Firuz. 127a The reign of Qubad. The reign of Jamasib ibn Firuz. 127b The reign of Qubad for the second time. Mazdak and his invitation as a prophet. 128a The reign of Nushirvan.

290 128b 129b 130a 130b 131a 131b 132a 132b 133b 134a 136b 137b 138a 139b 140a 140b 142b 143a 143b 143b 144a 144b 145a 146a 146b

147a

148a

Appendix 2 SI

“The punishment of Mazdak and his followers.” The opposition of Nushzad ibn Nushirvan and his murder. Babak the vizier of Kasra Anushirvan. Buzurgmihr. Kasra asks questions from Buzurgmihr. Buzurgmihr’s imprisonment. Buzurgmihr’s release from prison. Letters of Kasra. Anushirvan’s testament. The reign of Hurmuz ibn Anushirvan. Sawa, the son of Khaqan, comes to battle with Hurmuz. Bahram Chubin is brought to Hurmuz and he is sent to battle with the Khaqan. The reign of Khusraw Parviz. The reign of Bahram Chubin. The expedition of Parviz to Rum. The reign of Khusraw after Bahram’s escape. Bahram Chubin after his defeat. The letter of Khusraw to the Khaqan. Khusraw sends an army to Rum. The grandeur and the luxuries of Khusraw Parviz. The Prophet Muhammad’s signs and miracles, which appeared at the time of Khusraw. The letter of the Prophet Muhammad (pbuh) to Khusraw Parviz. The murder of Khusraw [Parviz] and the reign of his son Shiruya. The reign of Shiruya. The message of Shiruya to Khusraw. The reply to the message. The reign of Ardashir ibn Shiruya. The reign of Shahriran. The reign of Turandukht the daughter of Parviz. The reign of Jashnsbanda. The reign of Khusraw ibn Qubad. The reign of Azarmidukht the daughter of Parviz. Kasra ibn Mihrhasis. Farrukhzad ibn Khusraw. Yazdgird ibn Shahriyar. [The colophon of the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh section of the book.]

Headings and Illustrations in Hazine 1653

1.2

291

Second Volume (qism)

Concerning the lives of the Prophet Muhammad (pbuh), the rightly-guided caliphs, Umayyads and ʿAbbasids up to al-Mustaʿsim. This volume consists of four sections (tabaqa). First Section: Concerning the master of the humans (pbuh), his genealogy, the tribes of Quraysh and a summary of the lives of his ancestors (fol. 149a). 149b The ancestors of the Messenger (pbuh). 151b Excavation of [the Well of] Zamzam. 152b The birth of [the Prophet] Mustafa (pbuh). 153a Abu Talib’s protection of Mustafa (pbuh) and the story of the Monk Bahira. 153b The marriage of the Messenger (pbuh) to Khadija – may God be pleased with her. 154a The first divine revelation and the beginning of the apostle’s invitation. SI “Muhammad’s call to prophecy and the first revelation.” 154b Conversion of the companions and disagreement of scholars about the first one who converted to Islam. 155b The unfolding of the Islamic invitation. 156a The torture of the helpless Muslims by the polytheists of Quraysh. Bilal ibn Rabah al-Habashi. 156b ʿAmmar ibn Yasir al-ʿAbasi. Khabbab ibn al-Arat al-Tamimi. Suhayb ibn Sinan al-Rumi. 157a ʿAmir ibn Fuhayra. Abu f*ckayha. Concerning a group of Quraysh who ridiculed the Prophet. Aswad ibn ʿAbd Yaghuth ibn Wahb al-Zahri. 157b Harith ibn Qays al-Sahmi. Walid ibn Mughira ibn ʿAbd-Allah ibn ʿAmr ibn Makhzum. Abu Jahl ibn Hisham al-Makhzumi. Akhnas ibn Shariq al-Thaqafi. Umayya and Baniya the sons of Khalaf al-Jamahi. A lost folio 158a Conversion of the Ansar (“The Helpers”) – may God be pleased with them – who migrated from Medina to Mecca. 159a The second pledge at al-ʿAqaba. 159b Concerning those who migrated to Medina before Mustafa (pbuh). The migration of Mustafa (pbuh) from Mecca to Medina.

292 160b 161a 161b

Appendix 2 SI SI

162b 163a

163b 164a 165b 166b

167a

167b

168a

169a 169b

170a 170b 171a

“The Prophet Muhammad’s migration.” Constructing the mosque of Mustafa (pbuh) at Medina. “The Prophet watches his followers who are building the mosque at Medina.” Mustafa (pbuh) establishes the bond of brotherhood between the Ansar and the Muhajirun (“The Migrants”). The events of the first year of the hijra. The battle of Abwa. The battle of Abwat. The battle of Dhat al-ʿAshira. The raid (sarriya) of Batn al-Nakhla. The revelation of the aya for turning the qibla towards Mecca. The prescription of the fasting in Ramadan and zakat of fitr. Concerning the battle of Badr-i Kubra, and that the grandees of Quraysh were killed in this warfare. “The battle of Badr.” The raid of ʿUmayr ibn ʿAdi. The raid of Salim ibn ʿUmayr. Concerning the battle of Bani Qaynuqaʿ. “The siege of the castle of Qaynuqaʿ.” The battle of Sawiq. The battle of Qarqarat al-Kudr. The raid of the murder of Kaʿb ibn Ashraf the Jew. The battles of the Prophet (pbuh) in Ghatafan. The battle of Bani Sulaym. The raid of Zayd ibn Haritha at Qarada. The battle of Uhud. “The battle of Uhud.” The battle of Hamra‌ʾ al-Asad. The raid of Abu Salama ibn ʿAbd al-Asad al-Makhzumi at the mount of Qatan. The expedition of ʿAbd-Allah ibn Unays. The raid of Mundhar ibn ʿAmr al-Saʿidi. The raid of Murtad ibn Abi Murtad al-Ghanawi. The battle of Bani al-Nadir. “The battle of Bani al-Nadir.” The battle of Badr al-Muʿid. The battle of Dhat al-Riqaʿ. The battle of Dawmat al-Jandal.

Headings and Illustrations in Hazine 1653 171b

172a

172b

173a

173b 174a

174b

175a

176a

176b 177a

293

The battle of Dhat al-Muraysiʿ. The battle of the trench (khandaq) known as the battle of the confederates (ahzab). [The raid of] Muhammad ibn Maslama against al-Qurata‌ʾ. The battle of Bani Lahyan. The battle of Ghaba. The raid of ʿUkasha ibn Mihsan al-Asadi. The raid of Muhammad ibn Maslama at Dhi al-Qassa. Zayd ibn Haritha’s raid at Bani Jumum. Zayd ibn Haritha’s raid at ʿIs. Zayd ibn Haritha’s raid at Taraf. Zayd ibn Haritha’s raid at Hismi. The raid of ʿAbd al-Rahman ibn ʿAuf at Dawmat al-Jandal. The raid of ʿAli ibn Abi Talib against Bani Saʿd ibn Bakr at Fadak. Zayd ibn Haritha’s raid at Wadi al-Qura. The raid of ʿAbd-Allah ibn ʿAtik to Abi Rafiʿ ibn Salam. ʿAbd-Allah ibn Rawaha’s raid to kill Usayr ibn Rizam the Jew. The raid of ʿAmr ibn Umayya al-Damri and Salama ibn Aslam. The battles of the Apostle (pbuh) at Medina. The battle of the Apostle (pbuh) at Khaybar. The raid of ʿUmar ibn Khatab at Turba. The raid of Abu Bakr al-Siddiq. The raid of Bashir ibn Saʿd al-Ansari at Fadak. Concerning ʿumrat al-qadiyya of the Messenger (pbuh). The raid of Ibn Abi al-ʿUwja to Bani Sulaym. The raid of Ghalib ibn ʿAbd-Allah to Fadak. The raid of Shujaʿ ibn Wahb Asadi to Bani ʿAmir at Siyi. The raid of Kaʿb ibn ʿUmayr al-Ansari. The raid of Muʾta at Balqa‌ʾ. The raid of ʿAmr [ibn] al-ʿAs at Dhat al-Salasil. The raid of Khabt. The raid of Abu Qatada ibn Rabʿi al-Ansari at Khadira. The battles of the Apostle (pbuh) in The Year of Victory (ʿam al-fath). Khalid ibn al-Walid’s raid at ʿUzza. The raid of Saʿd ibn Zayd al-Ashhali to Manat. The raid of ʿAmr ibn al-ʿAs to Suwaʿ. The raid of Khalid ibn al-Walid against Bani Jadhima ibn Kinana. The battle of the Apostle (pbuh) at Hunayn. The battle of Ta‌ʾif.

294

177b

178a 179b

Appendix 2 The raid of ʿUyaina ibn Hisn al-Fizari against Bani Tamim. The raid of Qutba ibn ʿAmir ibn Hadida al-Ansari against Bani Khathʿam. The raid of Dahhak ibn Sufyan Kilabi by his tribe, Bani Kilab. The raid of ʿAlqama ibn Mujazziz al-Mudliji against Abyssinia. The raid of ʿAli ibn Abi Talib to al-Qulus. The Battle of the Apostle (pbuh) at Tabuk. The raid of ʿAli ibn Abi Talib (pbuh) to Yemen. Concerning the hajj of the Apostle (pbuh). The raid of Usama ibn Zayd ibn Haritha at Balqa‌ʾ. The illness and death of the Apostle (pbuh). The characteristics of the Apostle (pbuh).

Second Section (maqalat) Concerning the caliphate of the companions – may God be pleased with them. 180a The caliphate of Abu Bakr al-Siddiq and the days of his reign. 180a The names of the ancestors of Abu Bakr al-Siddiq. 181a Concerning the year 11 and obeying of […] the people of Yemen. Concerning events of the year 12. The event of al-Muthanna. 181b The event of Yarmuk. The event of Ajnadayn. Concerning Mathna ibn Hartha in Iraq and Sawad. The death of Abu Bakr in the year 13 of Hijra. 182a [The characteristics] of Abu Bakr. The goodness and beneficence of Abu Bakr. 182b The caliphate of ʿUmar ibn Khattab. 183a Events of the year 14. Concerning the beginning of the event of Qadisiyya. 183b Events of the years 15 | 16.2 184a Events of the years 17 | 18 | 19. 184b Events of the years 20 | 21 | 22. 185a Concerning the events of Azarbaijan. The conquest of the land of Khurasan. Events of the year 23. 185b The characteristics of ʿUmar. Concerning his wives and children. 2 In order to provide a shorter list, the multiple headings in a single page containing “Events of the year” have here been summarized in one line, using the vertical bar as a separator.

Headings and Illustrations in Hazine 1653

186a 186b

187a 187b 189b

190a 190b 191a

192a

192b 193a 193b 194a 194b 195a 195b

196a 196b

197a

295

Concerning Faruq. The caliphate of the commander of the faithful ʿUthman in the year 24. Events of the years 25 | 26 | 28. Events of the year 29. Breaking the covenant by the Persians. Events of the years 30 | 31. Events of the years 32 | 34. Events of the year 35. The characteristics of ʿUthman – may God be pleased with him. Concerning his children. The caliphate of ʿAli ibn Abi Talib (pbuh) and the events of his time. The characteristics of ʿAli ibn Abi Talib (pbuh). Events of the years 35 | 36. Concerning the beginning of the event of Jamal. Concerning the journey of ʿAli (pbuh) to Basra and the event [of Jamal]. The murder of Muhammad ibn Hudhayfa ibn ʿUtba ibn Rabiʿa ibn ʿAbd Shams. The rulership of Qays ibn Saʿd ibn ʿUbbada over Egypt. The event of Siffin and its beginning. Events of the year 37 and the end of Siffin. ʿAli (pbuh) sends Jaʿda ibn Habira as a ruler to Khurasan. Concerning the separation of the Khawarij from ʿAli (pbuh). The gathering of arbitrators and its quality. Justification of the Khawarij about the arbitrators. The killing of the Khawarij. The murder of Dhi al-Yadiyya. The returning of the commander of the faithful ʿAli (pbuh) to Kufa. The events of this year. Events of the year 38. The khuruj of Khirrit ibn Rashid Naji. The khuruj of Ashras ibn ʿAuf al-Shaybani. The khuruj of Hilal ibn ʿAlqama and Ashhab ibn Bashar. The khuruj of Saʿid ibn Qafal al-Tamimi and Abu Maryam Saʿdi Tamimi. Events of the year 39. Events of the year 40. The killing of ʿAli ibn Abi Talib (pbuh).

296 198a

Appendix 2 Concerning his morality. The pledge allegiance of Hasan ibn ʿAli (pbuh).

Third Section (maqalat) Concerning the dominion of the Bani Umayya. They were fourteen persons: their first was Muʿawiya ibn Sufyan ibn Harb. 198b The khuruj of Huthira ibn Widaʿ. 199a Events of the year 42. The coming of Ziyad ibn Abih to Muʿawiya. 199b Events of the years 43 | 45 | 46. 200a Events of the years 47 | 48 | 49 | 50. 200b Events of the years 51 | 52 | 53 | 54. 201a Events of the years 55 | 56. 201b Events of the years 57 | 58. 202a Events of the year 59. Concerning other events. Events of the year 60. 202b The rulership of Yazid ibn Muʿawiya. 203b The killing of Husayn ibn ʿAli (pbuh). 204b The apostasy of the Khawarij and the killing of Abu Bilal Mardas ibn al-Hanzali. Events of the year 62. 205a Events of the year 63. The death of Yazid ibn Muʿawiya. The pledge allegiance of Muʿawiya ibn Yazid ibn Muʿawiya. 205b Concerning ʿUbayd Allah ibn Ziyad after the death of Muʿawiya. The rulership of Marwan ibn al-Hakam. 206a Concerning the Tawwabin (penitents). 206b Events of the year 65. The rulership of ʿAbd al-Malik ibn al-Hakam. 207a Events of the year 66. 208a Ibrahim ibn al-Ashtar goes to kill Ibn Ziyad. Events of the year 67. Musʿab goes to kill Mukhtar. Events of the years 68 | 70. 208b Events of the years 71 | 72. 209a Events of the years 75 | 76. Striking of dirhams and dinars. Events of the year 77. 209b Events of the years 78 | 79 | 80 | 82.

Headings and Illustrations in Hazine 1653 210a 210b

211a 211b 212a

212b 213a 213b

214a 214b 215a 215b 216a 216b

217a 217b

218a 218b

297

Events of the year 83. Events of the years 84 | 85 | 86. The rulership of Walid ibn ʿAbd al-Malik. Events of the year 87. Events of the years 88 | 89 | 90 | 91 | 92. Events of the years 93 | 94. The rulership of Sulayman ibn ʿAbd al-Malik. Events of the years 96 | 97 | 98. The caliphate of ʿUmar ibn ʿAbd al-ʿAziz ibn Marwan. Events of the years 100 | 101. The rulership of Yazid ibn ʿAbd al-Malik. Events of the years 102 | 103. Events of the years 104 | 105. The rulership of Hisham ibn ʿAbd al-Malik. Events of the year 106. Events of the years 107 | 108 | 109 | 110. Events of the years 111 | 112 | 113 | 114 | 115 | 116 | 117. Events of the years 118 | 119 | 120. Events of the years 121 | 122. Events of the year 123. Events of the year 124 and […] Abu Muslim Khurasani. Events of the year 125. The pledge allegiance of Walid ibn Yazid ibn ʿAbd al-Malik and his rulership. Events of the year 126. The rulership of Ibrahim ibn al-Walid. Events of the year 127. The pledge allegiance of Marwan in Damascus. Events of the year 128. Events of the year 129. Events of the years 130 | 131.

Fourth Section (maqalat) Concerning the caliphates of Bani ʿAbbas. They were thirty-seven persons. Their first was Saffah. 219a The beginning of the ʿAbbasid dynasty and extinction of the Umayyads and events of the year 132. 220a Events of the years 133 | 134 | 135 | 136. 220b The caliphate of Abu Jaʿfar ʿAbd-Allah al-Mansur. Events of the year 137.

298

Appendix 2

221a 221b 222a 222b

Events of the years 138 | 139 | 140 | 141. Events of the years 142 | 143 | 144 | 145. Events of the years 146 | 147 | 148 | 149 | 150 | 151 | 152. Events of the years 153 | 154 | 155 | 156 | 157 | 158. The caliphate of Mahdi ibn Mansur. Events of the year 159. Events of the years 160 | 161 | 162 | 163 | 164 | 165 | 166. Events of the years 167 | 168 | 169 | 170. The caliphate of Harun al-Rashid ibn al-Mahdi, who was the fifth caliph. Events of the years 171 | 172. Events of the years 173 | 174 | 175 | 176 | 177 | 178 | 179 | 180. Events of the years 181 | 182 | 183 | 184 | 185 | 186 | 187 | 188. Events of the years 190 | 191 | 192 | 193. The caliphate of Muhammad Amin, who was the sixth caliph. Events of the years 195 | 196 | 197. Events of the years 198 and the caliphate of Ma‌ʾmun, who was the seventh caliph. Events of the years 200 | 201. Events of the year 202. Ma‌ʾmun ibn Harun al-Rashid goes from Khurasan to Baghdad. Events of the years 203 | 204 | 205. Events of the years 207 | 208 | 209 | 210 | 211 | 212. Events of the years 213 | 214 | 215 | 216 | 217 | 218. The caliphate of al-Muʿtasim, who was the ninth caliph. Events of the year 219. Events of the years 220 | 221 | 222 | 223 | 224. Events of the years 225 | 226 | 227. The caliphate of al-Wathiq bi-Allah Abu Jaʿfar Harun al-Muʿtasim, who was the tenth caliph of the ʿAbbasids. Events of the years 228 | 229 | 230 | 231. Events of the year 232. The caliphate of al-Mutawakkil, who was the eleventh caliph, and events of the year 233. Events of the years 234 | 235 | 236 | 237. Events of the years 238 | 239 | 240 | 241 | 242 | 243. Events of the years 244 | 245 | 246 | 247. The caliphate of al-Muntasir bi-Allah Abu al-ʿAbbas Muhammad ibn al-Mutawakkil, who was the twelfth caliph. Events of the year 248.

223a 223b

224a 224b 225a 225b

226a 226b

227a 227b 228a 228b 229a

229b

230a 230b

Headings and Illustrations in Hazine 1653

231a

231b

232a 232b 233a 233b 234a 234b

235a 235b

236a 236b 237a 237b 238a

238b

299

The caliphate of al-Mustaʿin bi-Allah Abu al-ʿAbbas ibn al-Amir Muhammad ibn al-Muʿtasim bi-Allah, who was the thirteenth caliph. Events of the year 249. Events of the years 250 | 251 | 252. The caliphate of al-Muʿtaz bi-Allah ibn al-Mutawakkil, who was the fourteenth caliph and events of the year 253. Events of the years 254 | 255. The caliphate of al-Muhtadi Abu ʿAbd-Allah Muhammad ibn alWathiq Harun ibn al-Muʿtasim, who was the fifteenth caliph. Events of the year 256. The caliphate of al-Muʿtamid ʿAla Allah ibn al-Mutawakkil, who was the sixteenth caliph. Events of the years 257 | 258 | 260. Events of the years 261 | 262. Events of the years 263 | 265 | 266. Events of the years 267 | 268 | 269. Events of the years 271 | 272 | 273 | 274 | 275 | 276 | 277. Concerning the appearance of the Qarmatians. Events of the year 279. The caliphate of Abu al-ʿAbbas Ahmad ibn al-Muwaffaq. Events of the years 280 | 281. Events of the years 282 | 283 | 284 | 286 | 287. Events of the year 288. The caliphate of al-Muktafi bi-Allah Abu Muhammad ʿAli ibn alMuʿtadid bi-Allah, and events of the year 289. Events of the years 290 | 291 | 292 | 293 | 294 | 295. The caliphate of his brother Muqtadir Abulfazl Jaʿfar […]. Events of the years 296 | 297 | 298 | 299 | 300 | 301. Events of the years 302 | 303 | 304 | 305 | 306 | 309. Events of the years 311 | 312 | 313 | 314 | 315 | 316. Events of the years 317 | 319 | 320. The caliphate of al-Qahir bi-Allah Abu Mansur Muhammad ibn alMuʿtadid bi-Allah. Events of the year 321. The establishment of the Buyid dynasty. Events of the year 322. The caliphate of al-Radi bi-Allah Abu al-ʿAbbas Muhammad ibn al-Muqtadir. Events of the year 323.

300

Appendix 2

239a

Events of the years 324 | 325 | 326 | 328. The caliphate of his brother al-Muttaqi li-Allah Abu Ishaq Ibrahim. Events of the year 330. Events of the years 331 | 332 | 333. The caliphate of al-Mustakfi bi-Allah Abu al-Qasim ʿAbd-Allah ibn al-Muktafi bi-Allah ʿAli ibn al-Muʿtadid bi-Allah. Events of the year 334. The caliphate of al-Mutiʿ li-Allah Abu al-Qasim al-Fadl ibn al-Muqtadir. Events of the years 335 | 336 | 337 | 338 | 339. Events of the years 340 and 341 and 342. Events of the years 344 | 345 | 346 | 348 | 349 | 350 | 351. Events of the years 353 | 354 | 356 | 357 | 360 | 361. Events of the years 362 | 363. The caliphate of al-Ta‌ʾiʿ li-Allah Abu Bakr ʿAbd al-Karim ibn al-Mutiʿ li-Allah. Events of the years 364 | 366. The beginning of the state of Sabuktigin. Events of the years 367 | 372 | 373 | 374. Events of the years 375 | 376 | 377 | 379. Events of the years 380 | 381. The caliphate of Abi al-ʿAbbas Ahmad ibn Ishaq ibn al-Muqtadir bi-Allah. Events of the years 382 | 383 | 384. Events of the years 385 | 386 | 387 | 388 | 389. Events of the years 390 | 391 | 392 | 393 | 394 | 395 | 396 | 397 | 398. Events of the years 399 | 400 | 401 | 402 | 403 | 404 | 405. Events of the years 406 | 407 | 408 | 409. Events of the years 410 and 411. Events of the years 413 | 414 | 415 | 416. Events of the years 417 | 419 | 420 | 421. Events of the year 422. The caliphate of al-Qa‌ʾim bi-Amr Allah Abu Jaʿfar ʿAbd-Allah ibn al-Qadir. Events of the years 423 | 424 | 425. Events of the years 426 | 427 | 428 | 429 | 430 | 432. Events of the years 433 | 434 | 435. Events of the years 436 | 437 | 438 | 439 | 440 | 441 | 442. Events of the years 443 | 444 | 445 | 446 | 447. Events of the years 448 | 448 | 449 | 450 | 451.

239b

240a 240b 241a 241b

242a 242b 243a

243b 244a 244b 245a 245b 246a 246b

247a 248a 248b 249a 249b

Headings and Illustrations in Hazine 1653 250a 250b 251a

251b 252a

252b 253a 253b 254a 254b 255a 255b

256a 256b 257a 257b 258a

258b 259a 259b

260a 260b

301

Events of the years 452 | 454 | 455 | 456 | 457 | 458 | 459. Events of the years 460 | 463 | 464 | 465 | 466. Events of the year 467. The caliphate of al-Muqtadi bi-Amr Allah Abu al-Qasim ʿAbd-Allah Abu al-ʿAbbas Muhammad al-Qa‌ʾim bi-Allah. Events of the years 468 | 469 | 470 | 471 | 472 | 473. Events of the years 474 | 476 | 477 | 478 | 479 | 480 | 481. Events of the year 482. Events of the years 483 and 484. Events of the years 485 | 486 | 487. The caliphate of al-Mustazhir Abu al-ʿAbbas Ahmad ibn al-Muqtadi bi-Amr Allah. Events of the years 488 | 489 | 490 | 491 | 492. Events of the years 493 | 494 | 495. Events of the years 496 | 497 | 498. Events of the years 499 | 500 | 501. Events of the years 502 | 503 | 504 | 505 | 506. Events of the years 507 | 508. Events of the years 509 | 510 | 511 | 512. The caliphate of al-Mustarshid bi-Allah Abu Mansur al-Fadl ibn al-Mustazhir. Events of the years 513 | 514 | 515 | 517. Events of the years 518 | 519 | 520 | 521 | 522 | 523 | 524. Events of the years 526 | 527. Events of the years 528 | 529. The caliphate of al-Rashid Abi Jaʿfar al-Mansur. Events of the year 530. The caliphate of al-Muqtafi li-Amr Allah Abi ʿAbd-Allah alMustazhir bi-Allah. Events of the years 531 | 532 | 533. Events of the years 534 | 535 | 536. Events of the years 537 | 538 | 539 | 540 | 541 | 542 | 543. Events of the years 544 | 545. Events of the years 546 and 547. Events of the year 548. Events of the years 549 | 550 | 551 | 552. Events of the years 553 | 554. The caliphate of al-Mustanjid bi-Allah Abu al-Muzaffar Yusuf ibn al-Muqtafi li-Amr Allah. Events of the years 556 | 557.

302

Appendix 2

261a 261b

Events of the years 560 | 562 | 564 | 665 | 566. The caliphate of al-Mustadiʾ bi-Amr Allah Abi Muhammad alHasan ibn al-Mustanjid bi-Allah. Events of the years 568 | 569. Events of the years 570 | 571 | 572 | 574 | 575. The caliphate of Abi al-ʿAbbas Ahmad al-Nasir li-Din Allah ibn alMustadiʾ bi-Amr Allah. Events of the years 576 | 578 | 579. Events of the years 580 | 581 | 582 | 583 | 584. Events of the years 585 | 586 | 587 | 588 | 589. Events of the years 590 | 591 | 592 | 593 | 594 | 595. Events of the years 596 | 597 | 598 | 599 | 600. Events of the years 601 | 602 | 603 | 604 | 605 | 606 | 607. Events of the years 608 | 609. Events of the years 611 and 612. Events of the years 613 | 614 | 615 | 616. Events of the year 617. Events of the years 618 and 619. Events of the years 620 | 621. The caliphate of al-Zahir bi-Amr Allah Abi Nasr Muhammad ibn Nasir li-Din Allah. The caliphate of al-Mustansir bi-Allah Abi Jaʿfar al-Mansur ibn al-Zahir bi-Amr Allah Abi Nasr ibn al-Nasir. The caliphate of al-Mustaʿsim bi-Allah Abi Ahmad ʿAbd-Allah ibn al-Mustansir bi-Allah. [Empty ʿunwan] Bismillah. Rabb-i yassir wa la tuʿassir. In tarikh-i mukhtasari ast mushtamil bar hal-i maqamat-i sultan Mahmud ibn Sabuktigin. The genealogy and biography of Amir Nasir al-Din Sabuktigin and the beginning of his reign. The conquest of Bust. The conquest of Qusdar. “The king of India in front of Nasir al-Din.” “Nasir al-Din fights with the army of Indians.” The expedition of the army of the Turk to the state of Nuh ibn Mansur. Explanation of Sistan. The story of Qabus and Fakhr al-Dawla. The story of the returning of Fakhr al-Dawla to his state, and his agreement with Hisam al-Dawla Tash.

262a 262b

263a 263b 264a 264b 265a 265b

266a

266b 267b

268a 268b 269b 270a 271a 272a

RI RI

Headings and Illustrations in Hazine 1653 272b

273b 274a

274b

276a 277a 277b

RI RI RI RI

279a 280a 280b 281a 281b 282a 283a

RI RI

283b

284a

284b 285b 286a 286b

RI SI

287a 288a

RI RI

289a

303

“Murder of Abu Saʿid Shibi at the command of Nasr ibn al-Hasan Firuzan.” Abu al-Hasan ibn Simjur and his emirate in Khurasan up to his death, and the attaining of his office by his son Abu ʿAli. Fa‌ʾiq and his status after departure to Marv Rud. Departure of Nuh ibn Mansur from Bukhara and the entrance of Bughra Khan into Bukhara. Departure of Bughra Khan from Bukhara and the returning of Nuh ibn Mansur to home. “Arrival of Nuh ibn Mansur to Bukhara.” “The battle between Mahmud ibn Sabuktigin and Abu ʿAli Simjur.” “The army of Sayf al-Dawla defeats the army of Abu ʿAli.” “Arrival of the envoys of Abu ʿAli and Fa‌ʾiq to the court of Nuh ibn Mansur.” Abu al-Qasim Simjur, the brother of Abu ʿAli and his affair after his visitation of the brother. “The death of Nuh ibn Mansur.” “Enthronement of Majd al-Dawla.” Sayf al-Dawla and the story of him with his brother Amir Ismaʿil. What happened between Abu al-Qasim Simjur and Baktuzun. “The battle between Abu al-Qasim Simjur and Baktuzun.” “The army of Sayf al-Dawla defeats ʿAbd al-Malik ibn Nuh, Fa‌ʾiq and Baktuzun.” The commander of the faithful al-Qadir bi-Allah sends a robe of honour to Sultan Yamin al-Dawla and Amin al-Milla – may God have mercy upon him. The returning of ʿAbd al-Malik ibn Nuh to Bukhara. Abu Ibrahim Ismaʿil ibn Nuh and what happened between him and Ilak Khan and Amir Nasr ibn Nasir al-Din. “The army of Ilak Khan enters Abiward.” “The battle between Muntasir and Ilak Khan.” The Samanid Amirs and their state. The compromise and dissension between Nasir al-Din Sabuktigin and Khalaf ibn Ahmad, in which resulted in his removal from power by the sultan. “The entrance of the army of Nasir al-Din Sabuktigin into India.” “The besieging of the castle of Erek.” Shams al-Maʿali Qabus ibn Wushmgir and his state. “The besieging of Gurgan at the time of Qabus ibn Wushmgir.”

304

Appendix 2

290a

The agreement of sultan with Ilak Khan and their hostility at the end. The battle of Bahatiyya. “The battle of Bahatiyya.” The battle of Multan. Ilak Khan goes across the Jayhun (Amu Darya). “The army of Mahmud defeats Ilak Khan in Jayhun.” The conquest of the castle of Bahin Bughra‌ʾ. Concerning the Farighunids. Al-Qadir bi-Allah and his caliphate after Ta‌ʾiʿ, and his agreement with sultan and Baha‌ʾ al-Dawla ibn ʿAdad al-Dawla. The event of Narin. The battle of Ghur. Concerning Khaniyan after retuning from Transoxiana. The conquest of Qusdar. Concerning rulership (shar) of Abu Nasr ibn Rashid and his son Abu Muhammad. The event of Narin. “Sultan Mahmud of Ghazna orders to mount Abu ʿAbd-Allah al-Ta‌ʾi upon an elephant after conquest of the Narin fortress.” The event of Tanishir. The end of the affair of Shams al-Maʿali Qabus and inheriting of his reign by Amir Manuchihr ibn Qabus – may God the Mighty have mercy upon them. Majd al-Dawla ibn Fakhr al-Dawla. Baha al-Dawla and the outcome of his life. Ilak Khan and the outcome of his life. Khwarazmshah and the outcome of his life and the attaining of his reign by Sultan Mahmud. “The encounter of the army of the Khwarazmshah and Sultan Mahmud.” The conquests of Muhra and Qanuj. “The conquests of Muhra and Qanuj by the army of Sultan Mahmud.” “The siege of a fortress after the conquest of the castle of Manch or Barahima.” Concerning Afghanians. Amir Nasr ibn Nasir al-Din Sabuktigin. “Sultan Mahmud giving audience during the last illness before death.” The sultanate of his son Muhammad ibn Mahmud.

290b

291a 291b 292a

292b 293b 294a 294b

295b 296a

297a 297b 298a 298b RI 299a 299b 300a

RI RI

300b 301a

Headings and Illustrations in Hazine 1653 301b 302b 303b 304b

RI RI

306a

306b 308a

309b 310a 311b

313a

315a 316a

317a

317b

RI RI

320a

320b 321a 322b

RI RI

305

The sultanate of Abu al-Fath Mawdud ibn Masʿud ibn Mahmud in the year 432. History of the Saljuqs. The beginning of the book. “Amir Isra‌ʾil in the court of Sultan Mahmud.” “Tughrul Beg came to Nishabur in the year 429 and sat on the throne of Mahmud ibn Masʿud.” “Nizam al-Mulk dissuades Alp Arsalan from the murder of Sulayman ibn Qutlamish.” The reign of ʿadud al-dawla abu shujaʿ Alp Arsalan Muhammad ibn Abi Sulayman Chaghr Beg Dawud ibn Mika‌ʾil. The third king, Malikshah Abu al-Fath ibn Alp Arsalan Muhammad ibn Dawud. “Enthronement of Malikshah ibn Alp Arsalan.” The fourth, the reign of the greatest sultan, rukn al-dunya wa al-din, Abu al-Muzaffar Barkiyaruq ibn Malikshah. “Enthronement of Barkiyaruq.” The fifth, al-sultan ghiyath al-dunya wa al-din, Abu Shujaʿ Muhammad ibn Malikshah ibn Muhammad ibn Chaghr Beg ibn Mika‌ʾil ibn Saljuq. “Enthronement of Muhammad ibn Malikshah.” The sixth, sultan al-salatin muʿizz al-dunya‌ʾ wa al-din, Sanjar ibn Malikshah ibn Alp Arsalan ibn Chaghr Beg. “Enthronement of Sanjar ibn Malikshah.” “The defeat of Sultan Sanjar by the Ughuz Turks.” The seventh, al-sultan mughith al-dunya wa al-din, Abu al-Qasim Mahmud ibn Muhammad ibn Malikshah ibn Alp Arsalan. “Enthronement of Mahmud ibn Muhammad ibn Malikshah.” The eighth, al-sultan al-muʿazzam rukn al-dunya‌ʾ wa al-din, Abu Talib Tughrul ibn Muhammad ibn Malikshah ibn Alp Arsalan. “Enthronement of Tughrul ibn Muhammad ibn Malikshah.” The ninth, al-sultan al-aʿzam ghiyath al-dunya wa al-din, Abu alFath Masʿud ibn Muhammad ibn Malikshah ibn Alp Arsalan. The tenth, al-sultan mughith al-dunya wa al-din, Malikshah ibn Mahmud ibn Muhammad ibn Malikshah. “Enthronement of Malikshah ibn Mahmud.” The eleventh, al-sultan al-aʿzam ghiyath al-dunya wa al-din, Abu Shujaʿ Muhammad ibn Mahmud ibn Muhammad ibn Malikshah. “Sultan Muhammad ibn Mahmud in Hamadan.” “Sulaymanshah ibn Mahmud enthroned.”

306

323a

Appendix 2

325b

326b

329b 330a 332a

332b

333a 333b 334a 334b 335a 336a

336b 337a 337b 338a 339a 342b

The twelfth, al-sultan muʿizz al-dunya‌ʾ wa al-din, Abu al-Harith Sulaymanshah ibn Mahmud ibn Muhammad ibn Malikshah. “Enthronement of Arsalan ibn Tughrul.” The thirteenth, al-sultan al-aʿzam rukn al-dunya‌ʾ wa al-din, Arsalan ibn Tughrul ibn Muhammad ibn Malikshah ibn Alp Arsalan. The fourteenth, al-sultan al-aʿzam rukn al-dunya‌ʾ wa al-din, Tughrul ibn Arsalan ibn Tughrul ibn Muhammad ibn Malikshah ibn Alp Arsalan ibn Muhammad ibn Dawud ibn Mika‌ʾil ibn Saljuq, who was the last Saljuq – may God have mercy upon them. “Enthronement of Tughrul ibn Arsalan.” This continuation of the text containing the end of the history of Tughrul is composed by Abu Hamid Muhammad ibn Ibrahim. Empty ʿunwan of the subsection on the history of Khwarazmshahs. “Il Arsalan enthroned.” The enthronement of Sultan ʿAla al-Din Muhammad ibn Khwarazmshah. “The battle between ʿAla al-Din Muhammad Khwarazmshah and Shihab al-Din Ghuri.” Sultan Muhammad Khwarazmshah conquess the dominion of the Ghur sultans. The conquest of Kirman, Mazandaran and Transoxiana. The second battle of the sultan and Kurkhan. The conquest of Firuzkuh and Ghaznayn. The outcome of the life of Sultan Saʿid Muhammad ibn Khwarazmshah. The life of Sultan Jalal al-Din after his father – may God have mercy upon them. “Jalal al-Din escaping from the army of Chingiz Khan.” The status of Sultan Jalal al-Din in India. The status of Sultan Jalal al-Din in Baghdad. “The battle between Sultan Jalal al-Din and the army of caliph Nasir in Baghdad.” The conquest of Georgia and eradication of the Georgians. The returning of the sultan to Georgia. “The battle between Jalal al-Din and the Georgians.” The expedition of the sultan to Akhlat and its conquest. Sultan Jalal al-Din Khwarazmshah’s move to battle with Sultan ʿAla al-Din Rum. Empty ʿunwan of the subsection on the history of Salghurids. Bismillah

Headings and Illustrations in Hazine 1653

343a 345b 347a 347b 348a 348b 349b 350b 351b 352b 353a 355a 355b 356a 356b

RI RI

357a 357b

358a

358b

359b 360b 361b

RI RI

362a 363a

RI RI

364b 365b 366a

307

First part (qism): the ʿAlawite caliphs of Maghreb and Egypt. They were fourteen persons in a period of 272 years. The introduction (muqaddima) of the book. “The murder of Abu ʿAbd-Allah.” “The army of Muhammad ibn al-Mahdi crossing the Nile river.” The caliphate of al-Qa‌ʾim bi-Amr Allah. The caliphate of al-Mansur bi-Allah, the third caliph. “The defeated Abu Yazid before Mansur bi-Allah.” The caliphate of al-Muʿizz li-Din Allah, the fourth caliph. Al-Muʿizz bi-Allah, the fifth caliph. The caliphate of al-Hakim bi-Allah, the sixth caliph. “Al-Hakim bi-Allah establishes a madrasa in Cairo.” The caliphate of al-Zahir li-Din Allah, the seventh caliph. The caliphate of al-Mustansir bi-Allah, the eighth caliph. The caliphate of al-Mustaʿli bi-Allah, the ninth caliph. The caliphate of al-Amir bi-Ahkam Allah, the tenth caliph. “Mahdi, sitting on a minbar, makes propaganda.” The caliphate of al-Hafiz li-Din Allah, the eleventh caliph. The caliphate of al-Zafir bi-Amr Allah, the twelfth caliph. The caliphate of al-Fa‌ʾiz bi-Nasr Allah, the thirteenth caliph. The caliphate of al-ʿAdid bi-Allah, the fourteenth caliph. “At the command of the Fatimid al-ʿAdid, Salah al-Din Yusuf puts Shawir to death.” Second part (qism): the history of the Nizaris and their missionar ies (daʿiyan), who lived in the castle of Lahistan, and their first was Sayyidina. It contains an introduction (muqaddima) and six sec tions ( julus). Introduction: concerning the life of Hasan Sabbah, who is called Sayyidina. “The pledge allegiance of Muʾmin and the missionary of Iraq, ʿAbd al-Malik ʿAttash.” “Hasan Sabbah, sitting on a carpet, invites people to his sect.” “The murder of Nizam al-Mulk by the assassins.” The conquest of the castle of Lamsar. The conquest of the castle of Girdkuh and the vicinity of Damghan. “The enthroned Sultan Sanjar among his viziers.” “The murder of Ahmad ibn Nizam al-Mulk in a mosque at Baghdad by the assassins.” […] Kiya Buzurg Umid, the second missionary. A list of those who were killed at the time of Kiya Buzurg Umid. The state of Muhammad ibn Buzurg Umid, the third missionary.

308

Appendix 2

367b 368a 368b

369a

370a

370b 371a

371b

372b 373a

RI 374a 375b

376a

376b 377a 377b 378b

379a 379b 380a 380b

RI RI

RI RI RI RI

“The capture of Abu al-Qasim Shamshirzan by the army of Qazvin.” A list of those who were killed at the time of Kiya Muhammad. The state of Kiya Hasan ibn Muhammad ibn Buzurg Umid known as “ʿala dhikrih al-salam” the fourth missionary. “Hasan ibn Muhammad, sitting on a throne, makes propaganda in the Musalla square of Alamut.” “The murder of the fourth missionary, Hasan ibn Muhammad in the year 561.” The state of Nur al-Din Muhammad ibn al-Hasan, the fifth missionary. “Mawlana Fakhr al-Din is threatened by an assassin.” The state of Jalal al-Din Hasan ibn Muhammad known as naw musalman, the sixth missionary. “Jalal al-Din Hasan defeats Nasir al-Din Manguli.” The state of ʿAla al-Din Muhammad ibn al-Hasan, the seventh missionary. “The murder of ʿAla al-Din Muhammad ibn al-Hasan.” The state of Rukn al-Din Khurshah ibn ʿAla al-Din, the eighth missionary. “Rukn al-Din Khurshah, sitting on a throne, honours the friends of his father.” “Rukn al-Din Khurshah submitting his treasures to Hulagu Khan.” [The beginning of the history of Ughuz Turks. The location of the ʿunwan is overpainted in the Safavid period.] “Dibyavqu Khan and his four sons.” “A woman informs Ughuz that his relatives intend to kill him.” The battle of Ughuz with his father and uncles and relatives, and his victory over them. “Ughuz defeats his relatives in a battle.” “Turks constructing gharry.” Ughuz’s intention to conquer the world and dispatching of envoys. “Ughuz orders to construct a boat (sal) for crossing a sea in India.” “The battle between Ughuz and Inal Khan.” The travel of Ughuz to the land of darkness and the characteristics of that land. “Ughuz leaving the land of darkness.” Ughuz dispatches envoys to Shirwan and Shamakhi. The expedition of Ughuz to Arran and Mughan The expedition of Ughuz to Diyarbakr and the Levant via Kurdistan. Ughuz sends his sons with an army to the lands of Franks and Rum.

Headings and Illustrations in Hazine 1653 381a 381b 382a

382b 383a

383b 384a 386b 387a 388a 391b 392a 393b 398a 411a 411b

412a 412b 413b

414a

SI SI SI SI

309

The warfare of Ughuz’s sons who had gone to Rum. The expedition of Ughuz with a great army to Damascus. The expedition of Ughuz to Egypt. “The expedition of Ughuz to Egypt.” The expedition of Ughuz to Baghdad and Basra. Ughuz sends his sons to Fars and Kerman. Ughuz sends envoys to Iraq. The expedition of Ughuz to Mazandaran and the conquest of that land and the regions of Gurgan, Dihistan, Khurasan and Quhistan. “Ughuz Khan receives messengers with gifts.” The kingship of Ughuz’s son, Kun Khan. “The enthronement of Kun Khan, the son of Ughuz.” “The dog Qara Buraq drives off the wolves.” “Kul Erki Khan, Tuman Khan and Qurqurt.” The end of the reign of Uruq and the beginning of the reign of Buqara Khan, the son of Qara Khan, and his enthronement. The beginning of the history of the kings of Khatay, which is called Chin, and the land of Machin. Introduction (muqaddima). The history of the kings of Khatay and Machin, and the events that happened at the time of each king, as the people of Khutay believe. The kings that ruled over the land of Khatay, which is called Chin, and its environs. The history of the Franks. [List of the contents of the Frankish history.] First part (qism) of the Frankish history. It consists of four sections (bab). First section: concerning the classification of the ancient kings in the belief of the Frank people. Second section: concerning Adam, Eve and their children. Third section: concerning Noah (pbuh) and his children. Fourth section: from the birth of the prophet Abraham (pbuh) and his descendants up to Mary the mother of Jesus (pbuh). Second part (qism) of the Frankish history from the birth of Jesus (pbuh) up to our time that is the year 705 of Hijra. This part consists of four sections (bab). First section: the opinion of the Christians about Jesus (pbuh). Second section: concerning the boundaries of the land of Armenia. Third section: explanation of the land of Franks and its seas and islands.

310

Appendix 2

415b 416a

422b

423a 423b 424b 425b 427a 427b 428b 429b 430a 431a 431b 432b 433a

433b 434a 434b

435a

Fourth section: the birth of Jesus (pbuh) and his life, and the Frankish popes and kings. The histories of the kings and popes, and some of the events of their time. “Saint Peter the apostle (fituris-i hawari).” The book of the history of India and Sind (Indus) and Kashmir. First part (qism): identification and explanation of the land of India and the history of the kings of Delhi and Kashmir. It consists of ten subsections ( fasl). First subsection: manifestation of the epochs and centuries. Second subsection: explanation of the land of India and its fre quented regions. Third subsection: identification of the mountains and waters of India. Fourth subsection: identification of the lands, towns, regions, is lands and their peoples. “Four monkeys in the mountains of India.” Fifth subsection: the history of the kings of Delhi. Concerning the birth of Basdiv, and the Indian kings before Sultan Mahmud. Sixth subsection: identification of the region of Kashmir. “A dervish becomes a king in India.” Seventh subsection: the history of some of the kings and Brahmans of India. Eighth subsection: concerning the kings of the Tirniyayuk period. Ninth subsection: concerning the kings of the Davabiryuk period. Tenth subsection: concerning the kings of the Duklayuk period. Second part (qism) of the Indian history concerning the birth of Sakyamuni. Second subsection ( fasl): the birth of Sakyamuni. Third subsection: sages and physicians say that there are thirty-two signs that the prophets should have. Fourth subsection: when Sakyamuni reached the age of maturity. Fifth subsection. Sixth subsection: Sakyamuni lived for eighty years. Seventh subsection: Sakyamuni has said, “I was born eighty-four thousand times in different forms.” Subsection: recognition of their words for worship. Subsection. Subsection| Subsection| Subsection| Subsection. Subsection: Buddha announces another prophet.

Appendix 3

Location of Paintings so Far Identified as Later Additions in the Dispersed Manuscript (Second Style) Aga Khan Museum (Toronto): 1 “An obituary listing eight victims of the Nizari Ismaʿili assassins,” AKM 40.1 2 “Concerning the punishment of an idolator, one of the weak Muslims,” AKM 41.2 Art and History Trust Collection: 3 “The caliph ʿAli and two arbiters.”3 4 “Rukn al-Din Khur-Shah submitting to Hulagu Khan.”4 Asian Civilisations Museum (Singapore): 5 “Gushtasp explains the contents of Arjasp’s letter.” 2009-03596.5 The British Museum (London): 6 “The sages of China bringing books on history to Uljaytu,” 1966,1010,0.13.6 Christie’s Auction: 7 “A folio from the Majmaʿ al-tawarikh,” 11 October 2005, lot 43.7 8 “Muslims received at the Abyssinian court,” 25 April 2013, lot 92.8 9 “The death of Imam ʿAli is reported to Muʿawiya,” 25 April 2013, lot 90.9 1 Welch, Collection of Islamic art, 99–100; Canby, Princes, poets & paladins, 30; and Ghiasian, “Historical style,” fig. 6. The text of this leaf can be compated with Hazine 1653 fol. 365b. 2 Sotheby’s Auction, 14 February 1968, lot 12; Welch, Collection of Islamic art, 100; Canby, Princes, poets & paladins, 29; and Ghiasian, “Historical style,” fig. 5. Comparable with Hazine 1653 fol. 156a. 3 Soudavar, Art of the Persian courts, 66. Comparable with Hazine 1653 fol. 194a–b. 4 Sotheby’s Auction, 13 October 1989, lot 50; and Soudavar, Art of the Persian courts, 66. Comparable with Hazine 1653 fols. 373b–374a. 5 Bonhams Auction, 14 October 2004, lot 12. Comparable with Hazine 1653 fol. 82a–b. 6 Sotheby’s Auction, 11 July 1966, lot 26; Titley, Miniatures from Persian manuscripts, no. 341; Hillenbrand, Imperial images, no. 115; Canby, Persian painting, 57; and Loukonine & Ivanov, Persian miniatures. 19. Comparable with Hazine 1653 fol. 393a. 7 The text of this leaf can be compared with Hazine 1653 fol. 369b. 8 The counterpart folio in Hazine 1653 is missing, but the text of this leaf can be compared with Hazine 1654 fol. 64b. 9 Comparable with Hazine 1653 fol. 197b. © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2018 | doi:10.1163/9789004377226_011

312

Appendix 3

Cleveland Museum of Art (Cleveland, OH): 10 “The story of Adam peace upon him, his sons and progeny,” 1945.384.b.10 11 “Hushang enthroned,” 1931.452.a.11 The David Collection (Copenhagen): 12 “Nawzar on his throne in a landscape,” 9-1381.12 Freer and Sackler Galleries (Washington, DC): 13 “The Bani Umayya dynasty,” F1936.8.13 The Harvard Art Museums (Cambridge, MA): 14 “Imam ʿAli in battle [with the Khawarij],” 1960.180.14 15 “Arrival of Imam Hasan at Kufa,” 1960.181.15 16 “Ardashir enthroned,” 1960.187.16 17 “Manuchihr enthroned,” 1960.188.17 18 “Yazdgird enthroned,” 1960.189.18 Hossein Afshar Collection 19 “The caliphate of al-Hafiz li-Din Allah, the eleventh caliph,” TR:368-2015.19

10 This leaf can be compared with Hazine 1653 fol. 9b. 11 Catalogue of the international exhibition, 125, case 214a; Binyon et al., Persian miniature painting, 46, no. 28d; H.C.H. “A fourteenth-century Persian miniature,” 31; and Martinovitch, “Die verlorene Handschrift,” 221. Comparable with Hazine 1653 fol. 15b. 12 Catalogue of the international exhibition, 126, case 219a; and Binyon et al., Persian miniature painting, 46, no. 28a. Comparable with Hazine 1653 fol. 25b. 13 Tabbagh, Emile Tabbagh collection, 116, no. 211; and Macy, Everit Macy collection, 104, no. 443. This leaf can be compared with Hazine 1653 fol. 199a. 14 Simpson, Arab and Persian painting, 113, no. 59. Comparable with Hazine 1653 fol. 196b. 15 Comparable with Hazine 1653 fol. 198a. 16 Hillenbrand, Imperial images, 37, no. 67; and Simpson, Arab and Persian painting, 114, no. 65. Comparable with Hazine 1653 fols. 119b–120a. 17 Ibid., 114, no. 66. Comparable with Hazine 1653 fol. 23a. 18 Schroeder, “Rockefeller’s miniatures,” fig. 7; Grube, La pittura dell’Islam, fig. 26B; and Simpson, Arab and Persian painting, 114, no. 67. Comparable with Hazine 1653 fol. 120a. 19 I am grateful to Robert Hillenbrand for drawing my attention to this folio and sending an image of it. The text of this leaf can be compated with Hazine 1653 fol. 356b. Its catchword (ʿAbd al-Muʾmin) matchs with the first word of a folio, which was included in Bonhams Auction: see Appendix 4, no. 1. This folio will be on view in the exhibition titled “Bestowing Beauty: Masterpieces from Persian Lands,” November 19, 2017–February 11, 2018 at the Museum of Fine Arts, Houston.

Location of Paintings so Far Identified as Later Additions

313

The Khalili Collection (London): 20 “Alexander and the Waq-waq tree,” MSS0657.20 The Metropolitan Museum of Art (New York, NY): 21 “Adam makes a pilgrimage,” 57.51.37.5.21 Museum für Islamische Kunst (Berlin): 22 “Rustam on the throne,” I.7016.22 Nelson-Atkins Museum of Art (Kansas City, MO): 23 “An amir offering a whip to a caliph,” 47-44/3.23 24 “The Armenian clergy.”24 Reza Abbasi Museum (Tehran): 25 “The prophets Caleb and Ezekiel,” 2528.25 26 “Departure of Ughuz to Arran and Mughan,” 2529.26 27 “The youthful Muhammad and the monk Bahira,” 2841.27 28 “The emperor of China receiving gifts from ambassadors,” 2855.28

20 Khalili, Timeline history, 69. This folio has been attributed to Shiraz c. 1440, but actually it belongs to the dispersed manuscript (the history of the Parthian kings). Comparable with Hazine 1653 fol. 101a. 21 Tabbagh, Emile Tabbagh collection, 102, no. 190; Kühnel, “History of miniature painting,” pl. 848; Ackerman, Guide to the exhibition, 191; Grube, Classical style, pl. 22; and Ghiasian, “Historical style,” fig. 5. Comparable with Hazine 1653 fol. 8a–b. 22 Rührdanz, Orientalische Illustrierte Handschriften, 17; and Hickmann, Schätze islamischer Buchkunst, 29. This leaf can be compared with Hazine 1653 fol. 88b. 23 Hillenbrand, Imperial images, 38, no. 68. Comparable with Hazine 1653 fol. 435a. 24 Ackerman, Guide to the exhibition, 191; Pope, Masterpieces of Persian art, pl. 23; McNear, Miniature in Persian art, no. 42; Taggart et al., Handbook of the collections, 161; and Hillenbrand, Imperial images, 79. Comparable with Hazine 1653 fol. 414a. 25 Catalogue of the international exhibition, 125, case 214d; Binyon et al., Persian miniature painting, 46, no. 28c; and Tabbagh, Emile Tabbagh collection, 105, no. 193. Comparable with Hazine 1653 fols. 64b–65a. 26 Rajabi, Masterpieces of Persian painting, 491; and Pakbaz, “Painting to the end of the Safavid,” 81. Comparable with Hazine 1653 fol. 379a–b. 27 Rajabi, Masterpieces of Persian painting, 488; and Ghiasian, “Historical style,” fig. 8. Comparable with Hazine 1653 fol. 153a. 28 Robinson, Rubāiyāt, 19; Rajabi, Masterpieces of Persian painting, 489; Stierlin, Islamic art and architecture, 80; and Ghiasian, “Historical style,” fig. 11. Comparable with Hazine 1653 fol. 372a.

314 29 30

Appendix 3 “Imam ʿAli with his followers at the beginning of the Islamic era,” 2834.29 “Arrival of the envoys of Muʿawiya to Egypt,” 2815.30

Sam Fogg (London): 31 “Fereydun enthroned.”31 Sotheby’s Auction: 32 “The Quraysh pleading with the Nejus of Abyssinia,” 5 July 1965, lot 37.32 33 “The Prophet Muhammad and the miracle of unlimited food,” 5 July 1965, lot 41.33 34 “The destruction of the tribe of ʿAd,” 8 October 2008, lot 37.34 35 “The battle between the sons of Ughuz and the armies of Rum,” 13 April 2000, lot 32.35 Unknown Location: 36 “A painting with the caption: Al-Walid ibn al-Mughira ibn ʿAbd-Allah ibn Makhzum al-Makhzumi,” previously in French & Company, stock no. 50420 (10353).36 Yale University Art Gallery (New Haven, CT): 37 “Shapur enthroned,” 1983.94.5.37 38 “Council of Muʿawiya,” 1983.94.4.38

29 Rajabi, Masterpieces of Persian painting, 490; Stierlin, Islamic art and architecture, 80; and Ghiasian, “Historical style,” fig. 9. Comparable with Hazine 1653 fol. 399b. Since this folio belongs to the Chinese subsection of the dispersed manuscript, its title is erroneous. 30 The text of this leaf can be compared with Hazine 1653 fol. 195b. 31 Tabbagh, Emile Tabbagh collection, 111, no. 205; Christie’s Auction, 1 May 2001, lot 99; and Black & Saidi, Islamic manuscripts, no. 24. Comparable with Hazine 1653 fol. 21a. 32 Sotheby & Co., Catalogue, 10. See below. 33 Ibid., 11. Since both the published miniatures in the auction of 1965 do not carry the text, a comparison with Hazine 1653 is not possible. Thus, only based on stylistic reasons these two paintings can be attributed to the second style. 34 For the reproduction of this folio, see also Curatola (ed.). Eredità dell’Islam, 374–5. Comparable with Hazine 1653 fol. 29a. 35 Previously in the collection of H.P. Kraus. Reproduced by Ferber, Islam and the medieval West, no. 75. Comparable with Hazine 1653 fol. 381a. 36 This leaf can be compared with Hazine 1653 fol. 157b. 37 Catalogue of the international exhibition, 212, case 448a; and Binyon et al., Persian miniature painting, 46, no. 28f. Comparable with Hazine 1653 fol. 114b. 38 Tabbagh, Emile Tabbagh collection, 117, no. 213; and Kühnel, “History of miniature painting,” pl. 848. Comparable with Hazine 1653 fol. 200a.

Appendix 4

Location of Paintings so Far Identified as Later Additions in the Dispersed Manuscript (Third Style) Bonhams Auction: 1 “The twelfth caliph, al-Zafir bi-Amr Allah,” 28 April 2005, lot 14.1 2 “The fifth caliph, al-Mansur,” 2 April 2009, lot 5.2 3 “The caliphate of al-Qa‌ʾim bi-Amr Allah,” 6 October 2008, lot 7.3 4 “A ruler on the throne in front of his vizier,” 6 October 2008, lot 7.4 5 “Appearance of Sakyamuni Buddha in different forms,” 6 October 2008, lot 7.5 6 “Rulers on their throne,” 6 October 2008, lot 8.6 7 “A ruler on the throne in front of his vizier, or ‘The journey of Ughuz to the land of darkness’,” 6 October 2008, lot 8.7 8 “A ruler on the throne in front of his vizier,” 6 October 2008, lot 8.8 The David Collection (Copenhagen): 9 Two miniatures on the verso of a folio titled, “Rulers on their throne,” 24/2006.9 The Harvard Art Museums (Cambridge, MA): 10 “Scene from the life of Buddha,” 1984.771.10

1 Riefstahl, Exhibition, no. 10. Comparable with Hazine 1653 fols. 356b–357a. 2 Previously in the collection of H.P. Kraus. Reproduced by Ferber, Islam and the medieval West, no. 73. Comparable with Hazine 1653 fol. 349b. 3 For the reproduction of this miniature, see also Tabbagh, Emile Tabbagh collection, 122, no. 222. Comparable with Hazine 1653 fol. 347a-b. 4 The miniature is added on the empty space below the colophon of the section on the Ismaʿilis. 5 Comparable with Hazine 1653 fol. 434b. 6 The folio carries two paintings. The text of this leaf can be compared with Hazine 1653 fol. 363b. The overall composition of these two paintings is a reversed version of the folio in the David Collection (no. 9 in the present appendix). 7 Comparable with Hazine 1653 fol. 378a–b. 8 The text of this folio can be compared with Hazine 1653 fol. 346b. 9 Since some folios at the end of Hazine 1653 are missing, the text of this leaf, which deals with the life of Buddha, cannot be compared with the Topkapı manuscript. 10 The text of this leaf can be compared with the last page of Hazine 1653.

316

Appendix 4

Hossein Afshar Collection 11 “Audience scene,” TR:1656–2015.11 The Metropolitan Museum of Art (New York, NY): 12 “Throne scene [The caliphate of al-Mustansir bi-Allah],” 57.51.37.2.12 Museum of Islamic Art (Doha): 13 “The caliphate of the tenth caliph, al-Amir bi-Ahkam Allah,” MS 350, acquired in 2002.13 Portland Art Museum (Portland, OR): 14 “Depictions of six human figures,” 70.27.1.14 Reza Abbasi Museum (Tehran): 15 “Enthroned king with courtiers,” 2856.15 Sotheby’s Auction: 16 “Isfandiyar and two companions standing before a crowned figure,” 22 October 1992, lot 510 (or 12 October 2005, lot 27).16 Yale University Art Gallery (New Haven, CT): 17 “Mansur, Fatimid caliph of Egypt,” 1983.94.3.17 18 “Depiction of a flower surrounded by two standing men,” 1983.94.8.18

11 The text below the miniature can be compared with Hazine 1653 fol. 385b. I am most grateful to Robert Hillenbrand for drawing my attention to this folio and sending a photo of it. This folio will be on view in the exhibition titled “Bestowing Beauty: Masterpieces from Persian Lands,” November 19, 2017–February 11, 2018 at the Museum of Fine Arts, Houston. 12 Catalogue of the international exhibition, 209, case 431a; Binyon et al., Persian miniature painting, 46, no. 28h; Kühnel, “History of miniature painting,” pl. 829; and Ghiasian, “Historical style,” fig. 12. Comparable with Hazine 1653 fol. 353a. 13 I am grateful to Yuka Kadoi for sending an image of this leaf. Comparable with Hazine 1653 fol. 355a–b. 14 These figures are depicted in the empty spaces of the leaf. Its text can be compared with Hazine 1653 fol. 384b. 15 Comparable with Hazine 1653 fol. 389b. 16 The text of this folio is comparable with Hazine 1653 fol. 86b. 17 Comparable with Hazine 1653 fols. 347b–348a. 18 Tabbagh, Emile Tabbagh collection, 123, no. 225. The folio belongs to the divided manuscript and the miniature was added on the empty space below the colophon page of the Ghaznavid history.

Bibliography

Unpublished Manuscripts

Bağdat 282, Topkapı Sarayı Library (Hafiz-i Abru’s Kulliyat-i tarikhi). Hazine 1653, Topkapı Sarayı Library (Hafiz-i Abru’s Majmaʿ al-tawarikh – Rashid al-Din’s Jamiʿ al-tawarikh). Hazine 1654, Topkapı Sarayı Library (Rashid al-Din’s Jamiʿ al-tawarikh). MS. 5–11575, National Library of Iran (Hafiz-i Abru’s Majmaʿ al-tawarikh – Rashid al-Din’s Jamiʿ al-tawarikh). MS. 5–11685, National Library of Iran (Hafiz-i Abru’s Majmaʿ al-tawarikh – Rashid al-Din’s Jamiʿ al-tawarikh). Or.MS 20, Edinburgh University Library (a fragment of Rashid al-Din’s Jamiʿ al-tawarikh).

Published Primary Sources

Balʿami, Abu ʿAli Muhammad ibn Muhammad. Tarikh-i Balʿami. vol. 1, ed. Muhammad Taqi Bahar (Tehran, 1353/1974–5). Dikhlavi, Amir Khusraw. Maṭlaʿ al-anwār, ed. T.A-O. Magerramov (Muharramov) (Moscow, 1975). Eskandar Beg Monshi. History of Shah ʿAbbas the great: (Tārīḵ-e ʿālamārā-ye ʿAbbāsī). vol. 2, tr. Roger M. Savory (Boulder, 1978). Hafiz-i Abru. A Persian embassy to China, being an extract from Zubdatu’t Tawarikh of Hafiz Abru, tr. K.M. Maitra (New York, 1970). Hafiz-i Abru. Majmaʿ al-tawarikh al-sultaniya: Qismat-i khulafa‌ʾ ʿalawiya maghrib va misr va nizariyan va rafiqan az tarikh-i Hafiz-i Abru, ed. Muhammad Mudarrisi Zanjani (Tehran, 1364/1985–86). Khwandmir, Ghiyath al-Din ibn Humam al-Din. Dastur al-wuzaraʼ: Shamil-i ahwal-i wuzara-yi Islam ta inqiraz-i timuriyan, 914, ed. Saʿid Nafisi (Tehran, 1355/1976–77). Khwandmir, Ghiyath al-Din ibn Humam al-Din. Tarikh-i habib al-siyar, ed. Muhammad Dabir Siyaqi, 4 vols. (Tehran, 1353/1974–75). Nava‌ʾi, Abdul Husain (Compiler). Asnad va mukatibat-i tarikhi Iran az Timur ta Shah Ismaʿil (Tehran, 1341/1963–64). Qadi Ahmad Qumi. Gulistan-i hunar, ed. Ahmad Suhayli Khwansari (Tehran, 1366/1987–88). Rashid al-Din Fadl-Allah Hamadani. Jamiʿ al-tawarikh: Tarikh-i Iran va Islam, ed. Muhammad Raushan, 3 vols. (Tehran, 1392/2013).

318

Bibliography

Tāǧ as-Salmānī. Šams al-Ḥusn: Eine Chronik vom Tode Timurs bis zum Jahre 1409. tr. Hans Robert Roemer (Wiesbaden, 1956). Thackston, W.M., sel. & tr. A century of princes: Sources on Timurid history and art (Cambridge, 1989).

Secondary Literature

Abdullaeva, Firuza & Charles Melville. The Persian Book of Kings: Ibrahim Sultan’s Shahnama (Oxford, 2008). Ackerman, Phyllis. Guide to the exhibition of Persian art (New York, 1940). Adamova, Adel. “Repetition of compositions in manuscripts: The Khamsa of Nizami in Leningrad.” In Timurid art and culture: Iran and Central Asia in the fifteenth-century, eds. Lisa Golombek & Maria Eva Subtelny (Leiden, 1992), 67–75. Adamova, Adel’ T. Persidskaja živopis’ i risunok XV–XIX vekov v sobranii Ėrmitaža: Katalog vystavki/Persian painting and drawing of the 15th–19th centuries from the Hermitage Museum (Sankt-Peterburg, 1996). Adamova, Adel. “The Hermitage manuscript of Niẓāmī’s Khamsa dated 835/1431.” In Islamic art: Studies on the art and culture of the Muslim world, vol. 5, eds. Ernst J. Grube & Eleanor Sims (Oxford, 2001), 53–132. Adamova, Adel T. Mediaeval Persian painting: The evolution of an artistic vision (New York, 2008). Adamova, Adel. Persian manuscripts, paintings and drawings: From the 15th to the early 20th century in the Hermitage collection (London, 2012). Adamova, Adel T. & Manijeh Bayani. Persian painting: The arts of the book and portraiture (London, 2015). Aga-Oglu, Mehmet. “Some unknown Mohammadan illustrated manuscripts in the library of the Topkapu Sarayi Müzesi at Istanbul.” Orientalistische Literaturzeitung 34 (1931), 330–31. Aga-Oglu, Mehmet. “Preliminary notes on some Persian illustrated MSS. in the Topkapu Sarayi Müzesi: Part I.” Ars Islamica 1, no. 2 (1934), 183–99. Aga-Oglu, Mehmet. Exhibition of Islamic art: M.H. De Young Memorial Museum February 24 to March 22 [1937] (San Francisco, 1937). Akasoy, Anna, Charles Burnett & Ronit Yoeli-Tlalim (eds.). Rashīd al-Dīn: Agent and mediator of cultural exchanges in Ilkhanid Iran (London, 2013). Alam, Muzaffar & Sanjay Subrahmanyam. Indo-Persian travels in the age of discoveries, 1400–1800 (Cambridge, 2007). Allen, Terry. A catalogue of the toponyms and monuments of Timurid Herat (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1981). Allen, Terry. Timurid Herat (Wiesbaden, 1983).

Bibliography

319

Allen, Terry. “Byzantine sources for the Jāmiʿ al-tawārīkh of Rashīd al-Dīn.” Ars Orientalis 15 (1985), 121–36. Amirkhani, Gholamreza. “Yaddashti bar maqala-yi ‘Muhr-i kitabkhana-yi Shahrukh Timuri.’ ” Nameh-ye Baharestan 18–19 (1390/2011–12), 445–46. Ando, Shiro. Timuridische Emire nach dem Muʿizz al-Ansāb: Untersuchung zur Stammesaristokratie Zentralasiens im 14. und 15. Jahrhundert (Berlin, 1992). Arberry, Arthur John, M. Minovi & E. Blochet. Chester Beatty Library: A catalogue of the Persian manuscripts and miniatures. 3 vols. (Dublin, 1959). Arnold, Thomas Walker. Painting in Islam: A study of the place of pictorial art in Muslim culture (New York, 1965). Ateṣ, Ahmet. Cāmi’ al-tavārīh (Ankara, 1957). Aumer, Joseph. Die persischen Handschriften der K. Hof- und Staatsbibliothek in München (Wiesbaden, 1970). Ayalon, David. “The great yāsa of Chingiz Khan: A reexamination (Part A).” Studia Islamica 33, (1971): 97–140; B, 34, (1971): 151–80; C(1), 36, (1972): 113–58; C(2), 38, (1973), 107–56. Azka‌ʾi, Parviz. Tarikhnigaran-i Iran, bakhsh-i yikum: Az Ibn al-Faqih ta Hafiz-i Abru (Tehran, 1373/1994). Barry, Michael. Figurative art in medieval Islam and the riddle of Bihzâd of Herât (1465– 1535), (Paris, 2004). Barthold, V.V. Ulugh-Beg. vol. 2 of Four studies on the history of Central Asia. tr. V. & T. Minorsky (Leiden, 1958). Bayani, Khanbaba. “Zindigani va athar-i Hafiz-i Abru.” In Idem (ed.) Dhayl-i Jamiʿ al-tawarikh-i Rashidi. By Hafiz-i Abru (Tehran, 1317/1938–9). Ben Azzouna, Nourane. “Rashīd al-Dīn Faḍl Allah al-Hamadhānī’s manuscript production project in Tabriz reconsidered.” In Politics, patronage and the transmission of knowledge in 13th–15th century Tabriz, ed. Judith Pfeiffer (Leiden, 2014), 187–200. Berlekamp, Persis. Wonder, image, and cosmos in medieval Islam (New Haven, 2011). Binbaş, İlker Evrim. “Structure and function of the genealogical tree in Islamic historiography (1200–1500).” In Horizons of the world: Festschrift for İsenbike Togan, eds. İlker Evrim Binbaş & Nurten Kılıç–Schubel (Istanbul, 2011), 465–544. Binbaş, İlker Evrim. “The anatomy of a regicide attempt: Shāhrukh, the ḥurūfīs, and the Timurid intellectuals in 830/1426–27.” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Third series, vol. 23, no. 3 (July 2013), 391–428. Binbaş, İlker Evrim. Intellectual networks in Timurid Iran: Sharaf al-Dīn ʻAlī Yazdī and the Islamicate republic of letters (New York, 2016). Binyon, Laurence, J.V.S. Wilkinson & Basil Gray. Persian miniature painting: Including a critical and descriptive catalogue of the miniatures exhibited at Burlington House, January-March, 1931. London, 1933 (Reprint, New York, 1971).

320

Bibliography

Black, Crofton & Nabil Saidi. Islamic manuscripts: Sam Fogg rare books and manuscripts (Catalogue 22), (London, 2000). Blair, Sheila S. “Ilkhanid architecture and society: An analysis of the endowment deed of the Rabʿ-i Rashīdī.” Iran 22 (1984), 67–90. Blair, Sheila S. “The development of the illustrated book in Iran.” Muqarnas 10, essays in honor of Oleg Grabar (1993), 266–74. Blair, Sheila S. A compendium of chronicles: Rashid al-Din’s illustrated history of the world. Nasser D. Khalili collection of Islamic art, vol. 27, ed. Julian Raby (London, 1995). Blair, Sheila S. “Patterns of patronage and production in Ilkhanid Iran: The case of Rashid al-Din.” In The court of the Ilkhans 1290–1340, eds. Julian Raby & Teresa Fitzherbert (Oxford, 1996), 39–62. Blair, Sheila S. “Color and gold: The decorated papers used in manuscripts in later Islamic times.” Muqarnas 17 (2000), 24–36. Blair, Sheila S. Islamic calligraphy (Edinburgh, 2006). Blair, Sheila S. “Writing and illustrating history: Rashīd al-Dīn’s Jamiʿ al-Tavārīkh.” In Theoretical approaches to the transmission and edition of oriental manuscripts, proceedings of a symposium held in Istanbul, March 28–30, 2001, eds. Judith Pfeiffer & Manfred Kropp (Beirut, 2007), 57–66. Blair, Sheila S. “Calligraphers, illuminators, and painters in the Ilkhanid scriptorium.” In Beyond the legacy of Genghis Khan, ed. Linda Komaroff (Leiden, 2013), 167–82. Blair, Sheila S. Text and image in medieval Persian art (Edinburgh, 2014). Blair, Sheila S. & Jonathan Bloom. The art and architecture of Islam, 1250–1800 (New Haven, 1995). Blauensteiner, Kurt. “Zur Entwicklung der Bildform in der islamischen Minia turenmalerei.” In Die Graphischen Künste, Neue Folge, vol. 1, ed. Arpad Weixlärtner (Wien, 1936), 41–56. Blochet, E. Catalogue des manuscrits Persans de la Bibliothèque Nationale. 4 vols. (Paris, 1905). Bloom, Jonathan M. & Sheila S. Blair, “Illustration.” In The grove encyclopedia of Islamic art and architecture. vol. 2 (Oxford, 2009), 191–268. Bosworth, C.E. “Al-Ṭabarī.” In Encyclopaedia of Islam. vol. X, eds. P.J. Bearman, Th. Bianquis, C.E. Bosworth, E. van Donzel & W.P. Heinrights (Leiden, 2000), 11–15. Boyle, John Andrew. “Dynastic and political history of the Īl-Khāns.” In The Cambridge history of Iran. vol. 5: The Saljuq and Mongol periods, ed. J.A. Boyle (Cambridge, 1968), 303–421. Boyle, John Andrew. “Rashīd al-Dīn: The first world historian.” Iran 9 (1971), 19–26. Brend, Barbara. “Rocks in Persian miniature painting.” In Landscape style in Asia: A colloquy held 25–27 June 1979, ed. William Watson (London, 1980), 111–22.

Bibliography

321

Brend, Barbara. “The British Library’s Shahnama of 1438 as a Sultanate Manuscript.” In Facets of Indian Art: A symposium held at the Victoria and Albert Museum on 26, 27, 28 April and 1 May 1982, eds. Robert Skelton et al. (London 1986), 87–93. Brend, Barbara. “A sixteenth-century manuscript from Transoxiana: Evidence for a continuing tradition in illustration.” Muqarnas 11 (1994), 103–16. Brend, Barbara. Perspectives on Persian painting: Illustrations to Amīr Khusrau’s Khamsah (London, 2003). Brend, Barbara & Charles Melville. Epic of the Persian kings: The art of Ferdowsi’s Shahnameh (London, 2010). Brinner, William M. “Introduction.” In Idem (tr. & annot.) ʿArāʾis al-majālis fī qiṣaṣ al-anbīyāʾ, or “Lives of the prophets”. By Abū Isḥāq Aḥmad ibn Muḥammad ibn Ibrahīm al-Thaʿlabī (Leiden, 2002). Brosh, Na’ama & Rachel Milstein. Biblical stories in Islamic painting (Jerusalem, 1991). Browne, Edward G. “Suggestions for a complete edition of the Jami‘u’t-Tawarikh of Rashidu’d-Din Fadlu’llah.” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland (Jan., 1908), 17–37. Browne, Edward G. A literary history of Persia, vol. III: The Tartar dominion (1265–1502), (Cambridge, 1928). Browne, Edward G. A descriptive catalogue of the oriental MSS belonging to the late E.G. Browne, ed. Reynold A. Nicholson (Cambridge, 1932). Buchthal, Hugo, Otto Kurz & Richard Ettinghausen. “Supplementary notes to K. Holter’s check list of Islamic illuminated manuscripts before A.D. 1350.” Ars Islamica 7 (1940), 147–64. Çağman, Filiz & Zeren Tanındı. “Remarks on some manuscripts from the Topkapi Palace treasury in the context of Ottoman-Safavid relations.” Muqarnas 13 (1996), 132–48. Canby, Sheila R. “Depictions of Buddha Sakyamuni in the Jamiʿ al-Tavarikh and the Majmaʿ al-Tavarikh.” Muqarnas 10 (1993), 299–310. Canby, Sheila R. Persian painting (London, 1993). Canby, Sheila R. Princes, poets & paladins: Islamic and Indian paintings from the collection of prince and princess Sadruddin Aga Khan (London, 1998). Canby, Sheila R. Shah ʿAbbas: The remaking of Iran (London, 2009). Canby, Sheila R. Deniz Beyazit, Martina Rugiadi & A.C.S. Peaco*ck. Court and cosmos: The great age of the Seljuqs (New York, 2016). Catalogue of the international exhibition of Persian art: 7th January to 28th February, 1931 (London, 1931). Cho, Min Yong. “How land came into the picture: Rendering history in the fourteenthcentury Jami al-Tawarikh.” PhD diss., University of Michigan, 2008. Cott, Perry B. “Recent accessions of near eastern miniature paintings.” Worcester Art Museum Annual 1 (1935–36), 32–48.

322

Bibliography

Curatola, Giovanni (ed.). Eredità dell’Islam: Arte Islamica in Italia (Venezia, 1993). Dimand, M.S. A handbook of Mohammedan decorative arts (New York, 1930). Dorn, Bernhard & Reinhold Rost. Catalogue des manuscrits et Xylographes orientaux de la Bibliothèque Impériale Publique de St. Pétersbourg (St. Pétersbourg, 1852). Duda, Dorothea. Islamische Handschriften I: Persische Handschriften (Wien, 1983). Dunlop, D.M. “Balʿamī.” In Encyclopaedia of Islam. vol. I, eds. H.A.R. Gibb, J.H. Kramers, E. Lévi-Provençal & J. Schacht (Leiden, 1986), 984–85. Du Ry, Carel J. Art of Islam (New York, 1970). Du Ry, Carel J. “Byzanz und die Welt des Islam, Teil II: Die Welt des Islam.” vol. 4 of Enzyklopädie der Weltkunst (Weinheim, 1978), 1808–2070. Eastman, Alvan Clark. “On three Persian ‘marine’ paintings.” Journal of Near Eastern Studies 9, no. 3 (July 1950), 153–63. Ekhtiar, Maryam & Claire Moore (eds.). Art of the Islamic world: A resource for educators (New York, 2012). Esin, Emil. “The bakhshi in the 14th to 16th centuries: The masters of the pre-Muslim tradition of the arts of the book in Central Asia.” In The arts of the book in central Asia 14th–16th centuries, ed. Basil Gray (Paris, 1979), 281–94. Ettinghausen, Richard. “An illuminated manuscript of Hāfiz-i Abrū in Istanbul, part I.” Kunst des Orients 2 (Oct. 1955), 30–44. Farhad, Massumeh. Falnama: The Book of Omens (London, 2009). Faza‌ʾili, Habib Allah. Atlas-i khat: Tahqiq dar khutut-i Islami (Isfahan, 1362/1983–84). Ferber, Stanley. Islam and the medieval West. vol. 1 of Islam and the medieval West: A loan exhibition at the University Art Gallery of Stanley Ferber (Albany, 1975). Firestone, Reuven. Journeys in holy lands: The evolution of the Abraham-Ishmael legends in Islamic exegesis (Albany, 1990). Firouzeh, Peyvand. “Architecture, sanctity, and power; Neʿmatollahi shrines and khanaqahs in fifteenth-century Iran and India,” PhD. diss., University of Cambridge, 2015. Fischel, Walter J. Jews in the economic and political life of mediaeval Islam, vol. XXII (London, 1937). Fischel, Walter J. “Über Raschid ad-Daulas jüdischen ursprung.” Monatsschrift für Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judentums (1937), 145–53. Fitzherbert, Teresa. “Portrait of a lost leader: Jalal al-Din Khwarazmshah and Juvaini.” In The court of the Ilkhans 1290–1340, eds. Julian Raby & Teresa Fitzherbert (Oxford, 1996), 63–77. Fitzherbert, Teresa. “Balʿami’s Tabari: An illustrated manuscript of Balʿami’s Tarjama-yi tārīkh-i Ṭabari in the Freer Gallery of Art, Washington (F59.16, 47.19 and 30.21).” PhD. diss., University of Edinburgh, 2001. Flügel, Gustav. Die arabischen, persischen und türkischen Handschriften der Kaiserlich– Königlichen Hofbibliothek zu Wien, 3 vols. (Wien, 1867).

Bibliography

323

Fontana, Maria Vittoria. Iconografia dell’Ahl al-Bayt: Immagini di arte persiana dal XII al XX secolo (Napoli, 1994). Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian (ed.). A arte e o mar: Museu Calouste Gulbenkian, 18 de Maio a 30 de Agosto de 1998, salas de exposições temporárias da sede (Lisbon, 1998). Ghiasian, Mohamad Reza. “The ‘historical style’ of painting for Shahrukh and its revival in the dispersed manuscript of Majmaʿ al-Tawarikh.” Iranian Studies 48, no. 6 (2015), 871–903. Ghiasian, Mohamad Reza. “The Topkapı manuscript of the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh (Hazine 1654) from Rashidiya to the Ottoman court: A preliminary analysis.” Iranian Studies, (in press, 2018, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00210862.2018.1428085). Golombek, Lisa. The Timurid shrine at Gazur Gah, Art and archaeology occasional paper, no. 15 (Toronto, 1969). Golombek, Lisa & Donald Newton Wilber. The Timurid architecture of Iran and Turan. 2 vols. (Princeton, 1988). Gonnella, Julia, Friederike Weis & Christoph Rauch (eds.). The Diez albums: Contexts and contents (Leiden, 2016). Grabar, Oleg. Mostly miniatures: An introduction to Persian painting (Princeton, 2000). Gray, Basil. “An unknown fragment of the ‘Jāmiʿ al-tawārīkh’ in the Asiatic Society of Bengal.” Ars Orientalis 1 (1954), 65–75. Gray, Basil. Persian painting (New York, 1977). Gray, Basil. The world history of Rashid al-Din: A study of the Royal Asiatic Society manuscript (London, 1978). Gray, Basil. “History of miniature painting: The fourteenth century.” In The arts of the book in Central Asia 14th–16th centuries (Paris, 1979). Gray, Basil. “The school of Shiraz from 1392 to 1453.” In The arts of the book in Central Asia 14th–16th centuries, ed. Basil Gray (Paris, 1979), 121–45. Grube, Ernst J. Muslim miniature paintings from the XIII to XIX century: From collections in the United States and Canada (Venezia, 1962). Grube, Ernst J. The world of Islam (London, 1966). Grube, Ernst J. The classical style in Islamic painting: The early school of Herat and its impact on Islamic painting of the later 15th, the 16th and 17th centuries (Venice, 1968). Grube, Ernst J. Miniature Islamiche nella collezione del Topkapi Sarayi Istanbul (Padova, 1975). Grube, Ernst J. La pittura dell’Islam: Miniature Persiane dal XII al XVI sec (Bologna, 1980). Grube, Ernst J. “Ibrahim-Sultan’s ‘Anthology of prose texts’.” In Persian painting from the Mongols to the Qajars, studies in honour of Basil W. Robinson, ed. Robert Hillenbrand (London, 2000), 101–17.

324

Bibliography

Grube, Ernst J. in collaboration with Eleanor Sims. “The school of Herat from 1400 to 1450.” In The arts of the book in Central Asia 14th–16th centuries, ed. Basil Gray (Paris, 1979), 147–78. Grube, Ernst J. & Eleanor Sims (eds.). Between China and Iran: Paintings from four Istanbul albums (London, 1985). Grube, Ernst J. & Eleanor Sims. “Painting.” In The arts of Persia, ed. R.W. Ferrier (New Haven, 1989), 200–24. Grube, Ernst J., Filiz Çağman & Zeren Akalay. Islamic painting: Topkapı Sarayı collection (Tokyo, 1978). Gruber, Christiane J. “The Prophet Muhammad’s ascension (Miʿrāj) in Islamic art and literature, ca. 1300–1600.” PhD. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 2005. Gruber, Christiane J. The ‘Timurid Book of Ascension’ (Miʿrajnama): A study of text and image in a pan-Asian context (Valencia, 2008). Gruber, Christiane. “Questioning the ‘classical’ in Persian painting: Models and problems of definition.” Journal of Art Historiography 6 (June 2012), 1–25. Guide to the collections of the Cincinnati Art Museum (Cincinnati, 1956). Gutmann, Joseph. “Abraham in the fire of the chaldeans: A Jewish legend in Jewish, Christian and Islamic art.” In Sacred images: Studies in Jewish art from antiquity to the Middle Ages, no. XII (Northampton, 1989), 341–56. Gutmann, Joseph. “More about the giant Og in Islamic art.” In Shorter notices, Bulletin of the Asia Institute, N.S. 3 (1989), 107–14. Gutmann, Joseph. “The sacrifice of Abraham in Timurid art.” The Journal of the Walters Art Museum 59 (2001), 131–35. Gutmann, Joseph & Vera Basch Moreen. “The combat between Moses and Og in Muslim miniatures.” Bulletin of the Asia Institute 1 (1987), 111–22. H.C.H. “A fourteenth-century Persian miniature.” The Bulletin of the Cleveland Museum of Art 19, no. 2, Part I (February 1932), 23–25, 31. Haase, Claus-Peter. Sammlerglück: Islamische Kunst aus der Sammlung Edmund de Unger (München, 2007). Haase, Claus-Peter. “Herat – centre of the art of the book.” In Herat through time, the collections of the Herat museum and archive, vol. 3 of Ancient Herat, eds. Ute Franke & Martina Müller-Wiener (Berlin, 2016), 449–513. Haj Manuchihri, Faramarz, “Isrāʾīlīyyāt.” In Dayirat al-maʿarif-i buzurg-i Islami. vol. 8 (Tehran, 1377/1998–99), 290–4. Haj Sayyed Javadi, S.K. “Muqaddima-yi musahhih.” In Idem (ed.) Zubdat al-tawarikh. By Hafiz-i Abru (Tehran, 1380/2001). Hasanzadeh, Yusuf & Sima Miri. Eighty years of Iranian archaeology (Tehran, 2013). Hecker, Felicia J. “A fifteenth-century Chinese diplomat in Herat.” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Third series, vol. 3, no. 1 (April 1993), 85–98.

Bibliography

325

Heller, B & S.M. Wasserstrom. “ʿŪd̲ j.̲ ” In Encyclopaedia of Islam, vol. X, eds. P.J. Bearman, Th. Bianquis, C.E. Bosworth, E. van Donzel & W.P. Heinrights (Leiden, 2000), 777–78. Hickmann, Regina. Schätze islamischer Buchkunst (Berlin, 1989). Hillenbrand, Robert. Imperial images in Persian painting (Edinburgh, 1977). Hillenbrand, Robert. “The arts of the book in Ilkhanid Iran.” In The legacy of Genghis Khan, eds. Linda Komaroff & Stefano Carboni (New York, 2002), 135–67. Hillenbrand, Robert. Studies in the Islamic arts of the book (London, 2012). Hillenbrand, Robert. “Muhammad as warrior prophet: Images from the world history of Rashid al-Din.” In The image of the Prophet between ideal and ideology: A scholarly investigation, ed. Christiane Gruber & Avinoam Shalem (Berlin, 2014), 65–75. Hillenbrand, Robert. “Holy figures portrayed in the Edinburgh fragment of Rashīd al-Dīn’s World History.” Iranian Studies (published online: 22 August 2017), http:// dx.doi.org/10.1080/00210862.2017.1359816. Hinz-Berlin, Walther. “Quellenstudien zur Geschichte der Timuriden.” Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 90 (1936), 357–98. Hoffmann, Birgitt. “The gates of piety and charity: Rašīd al-Dīn Faḍl Allāh as founder of pious endowments.” In L’Iran face à la domination Mongole, ed. Denise Aigle (Téhéran, 1997), 189–202. Holter, Kurt. “Die islamischen Miniaturhandschriften vor 1350.” Zentralblatt für Biblio thekswesen 54 (Jan.–Feb. 1937), 1–34. Inal, Güner. “Some miniatures of the Jamiʿ al-Tavarikh in Istanbul, Topkapi Museum, Hazine Library No. 1654.” Ars Orientalis 5 (1963), 163–75. Inal, Güner. “The fourteenth-century miniatures of the Jamiʿ al-Tavarikh in the Topkapi Museum in Istanbul, Hazine Library, No. 1653.” PhD diss., University of Michigan, 1965. Inal, Güner. “Artistic relationship between the far and the Near East as reflected in the miniatures of the Ǧāmiʿ at-Tawārīḫ.” Kunst des Orients 10, H. 1/2 (1975), 108–43. Inal, Güner. “Miniatures in historical manuscripts from the time of Shahrukh in the Topkapi Palace Museum.” In Timurid art and culture: Iran and Central Asia in the fifteenth century, eds. Lisa Golombek & Maria Subtelny (Leiden, 1992), 103–15. İpşiroğlu, M.Ş. Saray-Alben: Diez’sche Klebebände aus den Berliner Sammlungen (Wiesbaden, 1964). İpşiroğlu, M.Ş. Malerei der Mongolen (München, 1965). İpşiroğlu, M.Ş. Das Bild im Islam: Ein Verbot und seine Folgen (Wien, 1971). Jackson, Peter. “Yāsā.” In Encyclopaedia Iranica [new online entries]. Accessed April 27, 2017. http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/yasa-law-code. Jafariyan, Rasool. “Muhr-i kitabkhana-yi Shahrukh Timuri.” Nameh-ye Baharestan 17 (1389/2010–11), 225–28. Jahn, Karl. Rashīd-al-Dīn’s history of India: Collected essays with facsimiles and indices (London, 1965).

326

Bibliography

Jahn, Karl. Die Geschichte der Oġuzen des Rašīd ad-Dīn (Wien, 1969). Jahn, Karl. “Rashīd al-Dīn’s knowledge of Europe.” In Proceedings of the colloquium on Rashīd-al-Dīn Faḍlallāh: Tehran, Tabriz 11–16 Aban 1348 (2–7 November 1969), (Tehran, 1971), 9–25. Jahn, Karl. Die Chinageschichte des Rašīd ad-Dīn (Wien, 1971). Jahn, Karl. Die Geschichte der Kinder Israels des Rašīd ad-Dīn (Wien, 1973). Jahn, Karl. Die Frankengeschichte des Rašīd ad-Dīn (Wien, 1977). Kadoi, Yuka. Islamic Chinoiserie: The art of Mongol Iran (Edinburgh, 2009). Karatay, Fehmi Edhem. Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi kütüphanesi Farsça yazmalar kataloğu (İstanbul, 1961). Kauz, Ralph. Politik und Handel zwischen Ming und Timuriden: China, Iran und Zentralasien im Spätmittelalter (Wiesbaden, 2005). Kauz, Ralph. “Gift exchange between Iran, Central Asia, and China under the Ming dynasty, 1368–1644.” In Gifts of the sultan: The arts of giving at the Islamic courts, ed. Linda Komaroff (Los Angeles, 2011), 115–24. Keshavarz, Fateme. “The horoscope of Iskandar Sultan.” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland 2 (1984), 197–208. Key Nejad, Mohammad Ali & Azita Balali Oskuyi. Baz afarini-yi Rabʿ-i Rashidi bar asas-i mutun-i tarikhi (Tehran, 1390/2012). Khalili, Nasser D. The timeline history of Islamic art and architecture (London, 2005). Kirketerp-Møller, Hertha. Det Islamiske bogmaleri (København, 1974). Komaroff, Linda. “The epigraphy of Timurid coinage: Some preliminary remarks.” The American Numismatic Society Museum Notes 31 (1986), 207–32. Komaroff, Linda. Islamic art at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art (Los Angeles, 2005). Krawulsky, Dorothea. The Mongol Īlkhāns and their vizier Rashīd al-Dīn (Frankfurt am Main, 2011). Kühnel, Ernst. “History of miniature painting and drawing.” In A survey of Persian art, eds. A.U. Pope & P. Ackerman (London, 1939), 1829–97. Kühnel, Ernst. “Persische Miniaturmalerei.” In Meisterwerke außereuropäischer Malerei, ed. Felix Alexander Dargel (Berlin, 1959), 169–220. Kunstschätze aus Iran von der prähistorischen bis zur islamischen Zeit [exhibition catalogue] (Zürich, 1962). Lambton, A.K.S. “Early Timurid theories of state: Ḥāfiẓ Abrū and Niẓām al-Dīn Šāmī.” Bulletin d’études Orientales, T. 30, Mélanges offerts a Henri Laoust, vol. 2 (1978), 1–9. Lentz, Thomas Woodward. “Painting at Herat under Baysunghur ibn Shahrukh.” PhD. diss., Harvard University, 1985. Lentz, Thomas W. & Glenn D. Lowry. Timur and the princely vision: Persian art and culture in the fifteenth century (Los Angeles, 1989).

Bibliography

327

Leoni, Francesca. “A folio from a Timurid historical manuscript in the Princeton University Art Museum.” Record of the Art Museum 68 (2009), 60–67. Loukonine, Vladimir & Anatoli Ivanov. Persian miniatures (New York, 2010). Lowry, Glenn D. & Milo Cleveland Beach. An annotated and illustrated checklist of the Vever collection (Washington, DC, 1988). Macdonald, D.B. “Mala‌ʾika.” In Encyclopaedia of Islam, vol. VI, eds. C.E. Bosworth, E. van Donzel, B. Lewis & Ch. Pellat (Leiden, 1991), 216–19. McAllister, Hannah E. “Two Persian miniatures.” The Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin 33, no. 9 (Sept. 1938), 202–4. McNear, Everett. The miniature in Persian art: Arts club of Chicago, April 9 through May 9, 1963 [exhibition catalogue] (Chicago, 1963). Macy, V. Everit. The V. Everit Macy collection: Including rare and important Persian and Mesopotamian pottery, Persian and Indian miniatures, Persian brocades and velvet carpets [sale catalogue] (New York, January 6–8, 1938). Manz, Beatrice Forbes. “Tamerlane and the symbolism of sovereignty.” Iranian Studies 21, no. 1/2 (1988), 105–22. Manz, Beatrice Forbes. “The legacy of Timur.” Asian Art 2, no 2 (Spring 1989), 10–30. Manz, Beatrice Forbes. “Shāh Rukh.” In Encyclopaedia of Islam, vol. IX, eds. C.E. Bosworth, E. van Donzel, W.P. Heinrichs & G. Lecomte (Leiden, 1997), 197–98. Manz, Beatrice Forbes. “Temür and the problem of a conqueror’s legacy.” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Third series, vol. 8, no. 1 (Apr. 1998), 21–41. Manz, Beatrice Forbes. “Mongol history rewritten and relived.” Mythes historiques du monde Musulman, ed. Denise Aigle, Special issue of revue du monde Musulmans et de la Méditerranée, (2001), 129–49. Manz, Beatrice Forbes. “Family and ruler in Timurid historiography.” In Studies on central Asian history in honor of Yuri Bregel, ed. Devin Deweese (Bloomington, 2001), 57–78. Manz, Beatrice Forbes. “Tamerlane’s career and its uses.” Journal of World History 13, no. 1 (Spring 2002), 1–25. Manz, Beatrice Forbes. Power, politics and religion in Timurid Iran (Cambridge, 2007). Marefat, Roya. “Timurid women: Patronage and power.” Asian Art. Special issue: Patronage by women in Islamic art, vol. 6, no. 2 (Spring 1993), 29–47. Martinovitch, Nicholas N. “Die verlorene Handschrift von Rašīd ad-Dīn.” Artibus Asiae 5, no. 2–4 (1935), 213–21. Mashayikh Firaydani, Muhammad Husain. “Safir-i Shahrukh dar Dikan (Varaqi az tarikh-i ravabit-i siyasi-yi Iran va Hind).” Tarikh-i Ravabit-i Khariji 28 (Autumn 1385/2006), 111–36. Matthee, Rudi. “Farhād Khan Qaramānlū.” In Encyclopaedia Iranica. vol. IX, ed. Ehsan Yarshater (New York, 1999), 258–60.

328

Bibliography

Melville, Charles. “Pādshāh-i Islām: The conversion of Sultan Maḥmūd Ghāzān Khān.” Pembroke Papers 1 (1990), 159–77. Melville, Charles. “ ‘The year of the elephant’: Mamluk-Mongol rivalry in the Hejaz in the reign of Abū Saʿīd (1317–1335).” Studia Iranica 21, no. 6 (1992), 197–214. Melville, Charles. “Jāmeʿ al-Tawārīḵ.” In Encyclopaedia Iranica. vol. 14, ed. Ehsan Yarshater (New York, 2008), 462–68. Melville, Charles. “The Mongol and Timurid periods, 1250–1500.” In Persian historiography, vol. 10 of A history of Persian literature, ed. Charles Melville (London, 2012), 155–208. Melville, Charles. “The royal image in Mongol Iran.” In Every inch a king: Comparative studies on kings and kingship in the ancient and medieval worlds, eds. Lynette Mitchell & Charles Melville (Leiden, 2013), 343–69. Melville, Charles. “The itineraries of Shāhrukh b. Timur (1405–47).” In Turko-Mongol rulers, cities and city life, ed. David Durand-Guédy (Leiden & Boston, 2013), 285–315. Melville, Charles. “Rashīd al-Dīn and the Shāhnāmeh.” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 26, Issue 1–2 (January 2016), 201–14. Melville, Charles. “The illustration of history in Persian manuscripts.” Iran: Journal of the British Institute of Persian Studies (published online: 22 Jan 2018) https://doi.org /10.1080/05786967.2018.1426193. Mihan, Shiva. “On the meaning of a fifteenth-century technical term in a Timurid document associated with Prince Baysonghor’s library in Herat,” Iran 54, no. 2 (2016), 129–34. Milstein, Rachel. “Light, fire and the sun in Islamic painting.” In Studies in Islamic history and civilization in honour of Professor David Ayalon, ed. Moshe Sharon, (Jerusalem & Leiden 1986), 533–52. Milstein, Rachel. “The iconography of Moses in Islamic art.” Jewish Art 12–13 (1986–87), 199–212. Milstein, Rachel. “Nimrod, Joseph and Jonah: Miniatures from Ottoman Baghdad.” Bulletin of the Asia Institute, vol. I (1987), 123–38. Milstein, Rachel. “The manuscripts, the texts, and the illustration cycles.” In Stories of the prophets: Illustrated manuscripts of Qiṣaṣ al-anbiyāʾ. By Rachel Milstein, Karin Rührdanz & Barbara Schmitz (Costa Mesa, 1999), 1–24. Milstein, Rachel. “The stories and their illustrations.” In Stories of the prophets: Illustrated manuscripts of Qiṣaṣ al-anbiyāʾ. By Rachel Milstein, Karin Rührdanz & Barbara Schmitz (Costa Mesa, 1999), 105–83. Milstein, Rachel. La Bible dans l’art islamique (Paris, 2005). Moghadam, Mohamad E. & Yahya Armajani. Descriptive catalog of the Garrett collection of Persian, Turkish and Indic manuscripts including some miniatures in the Princeton University Library (Princeton, 1939).

Bibliography

329

Mohaddes, Mir Hashem. “Muqaddima-yi musahhih.” In Idem (ed.) Tarikh-i salatin-i kart. By Hafiz-i Abru (Tehran, 1389/2010). Montgomery Watt, W. “Abū Bakr.” In Encyclopaedia of Islam. vol. I, eds. H.A.R. Gibb, J.H. Kramers, E. Lévi-Provençal & J. Schacht (Leiden, 1986), 109–11. Morgan, D.O. “The ‘great ‘yāsā’ of Chingiz Khān’ and Mongol law in the Īlkhānate.” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 49, no. 1 (1986), 163–76. Morgan, D.O. “Ras̱hīd al-Dīn Ṭabīb.” In Encyclopaedia of Islam, vol. VIII, eds. C.E. Bosworth, E. van Donzel, W.P. Heinrichs & G. Lecomte (Leiden, 1995), 443–4. Mudarrisi Zanjani, Muhammad. “Muqaddima-yi musahhih.” In Idem (ed.) Majmaʿ al-tawarikh al-sultania: Qismat-i khulafa‌ʾ ʿalawiya maghrib va misr va nizariyan va rafiqan az tarikh-i Hafiz-i Abru. By Hafiz-i Abru (Tehran, 1364/1985–86). Nagel, T. “Ḳiṣaṣ al-anbiyāʾ.” In Encyclopaedia of Islam. vol. V, eds. C.E. Bosworth, E. van Donzel, B. Lewis & Ch. Pellat (Leiden, 1986), 180–81. Natif, Mika. “Rashīd al-Dīn’s alter ego: The seven paintings of Moses in the Jāmiʿ al-tawārīkh.” In Rashīd al-Dīn: Agent and mediator of cultural exchanges in Ilkhanid Iran, eds. Anna Akasoy, Charles Burnett & Ronit Yoeli-Tlalim (London, 2013), 15–37. Near Eastern art: Ancient and Islamic (Cincinnati, 1962). Netzer, Amnon. “Rashīd al-Dīn and his Jewish background.” In Irano-Judaica: Studies relating to Jewish contacts with Persian culture throughout the ages 3, eds. Shaul Shaked & Amnon Netzer (Jerusalem, 1994), 118–26. Nizami, K.A. “Rashid al-Din Fazl Allah and India.” In Proceedings of the colloquium on Rashīd-al-Dīn Faḍlallāh: Tehran-Tabriz 11–16 Aban 1348 (2–7 November 1969), (Tehran, 1971), 9–25. O’Kane, Bernard. Timurid architecture in Khurasan (Costa Mesa, 1987). O’Kane, Bernard. “Rock faces and rock figures in Persian painting.” In Islamic art: A biennial dedicated to the art and culture of the Muslim world, vol. 5, eds. Ernst J. Grube & Eleanor Sims (New York, 1992), 219–46. Okasha, Sarwat. Muslim painter and the divine: The Persian impact on Islamic religious painting (London, 1981). Pakbaz, Ruin. “Painting to the end of the Safavid period.” In Splendour of Iran. vol. 3, ed. N. Pourjavady (London, 2010), 70–97. Pal, Pratapaditya. Islamic art: The Nasli M. Heeramaneck collection (Los Angeles, 1973). Peaco*ck, A.C.S. Mediaeval Islamic historiography and political legitimacy: Balʿamī’s Tārīkhnāma (New York, 2007). Pijoán, José. Summa artis: Historia general del arte. vol. XII. Arte Islamico (Madrid, 1954). Pope, Arthur Upham. “Special Persian exhibition.” Bulletin of the Pennsylvania Museum XXII, no. 107 (November 1926), 245–51. Pope, Arthur Upham with contributions by Phyllis Ackerman & Eric Schroeder. Masterpieces of Persian art (London, 1960).

330

Bibliography

Porter, Yves. Painters, paintings and books: An essay on Indo-Persian technical literature, 12–19th centuries. tr. S. Butani (New Delhi, 1994). Quinn, Sholeh A. “The Muʿizz al-ansāb and Shuʿab-i panjgānah as sources for the Chaghatayid period of history: A comparative analysis.” Central Asiatic Journal 33 (1989), 229–53. Rajabi, Mohammad Ali. Masterpieces of Persian painting (Tehran, 2005). Rajabzadeh, Hashem. Khwaja Rashid al-Din Fadl Allah (Tehran, 1377/1998). Rice, David Talbot. The illustrations to the “World History” of Rashīd al-Dīn (Edinburgh, 1976). Rice, Yael. “Mughal interventions in the Rampur Jāmiʿ al-Tavārīkh.” Ars Orientalis 42 (2012), 151–64. Richard, Francis. Splendeurs Persanes: Manuscrits du XIIe au XVIIe siècle (Paris, 1997). Richard, Francis. “Un des peintres du manuscrit Supplément Persan 1113 de l’Histoire des Mongols de Rašīd al-Dīn identifié.” In L’Iran face à la domination Mongole, ed. Denise Aigle (Téhéran, 1997), 307–20. Richard, Francis. Catalogue des manuscrits Persans, tome II, le Supplément Persan, première partie (Roma, 2013). Riefstahl, Rudolf M. An exhibition of Persian and Indian miniature paintings from the collections of Demotte, Inc. (New York, 1934). Rieu, Charles. Catalogue of the Persian manuscripts in the British Museum. vol. 1 (London, 1879). Rieu, Charles. Supplement to the catalogue of the Persian manuscripts in the British Museum (London, 1895). Rippin, A. “Thaʿlabī.” In Encyclopaedia of Islam. vol. X, eds. P.J. Bearman, Th. Bianquis, C.E. Bosworth, E. van Donzel & W.P. Heinrights (Leiden, 2000), 434. Robinson, B.W. Persian painting (London, 1952). Robinson, B.W. Persian painting in the Metropolitan Museum of Art (New York, 1953). Robinson, B.W. A descriptive catalogue of the Persian paintings in the Bodleian Library (Oxford, 1958). Robinson, B.W. Persian miniature painting from the collections in the British Isles (London, 1967). Robinson, B.W. Rothschild and Binney collections: Persian and Mughal arts of the book (London, 1976). Robinson, B.W. Rubāiyāt of Omar Khayyām: Persian miniatures. tr. Edward Fitzgerald, notes by B.W. Robinson (New York, 1979). Robinson, B.W. “Rashid al-Din’s world history: The significance of the miniatures.” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland 2 (1980), 212–22. Robinson, B.W. “Zenith of his time: The painter Pir Ahmad Baghshimali.” In Persian masters: Five centuries of painting, ed. Sheila R. Canby (Bombay, 1990), 1–20. Robinson, B.W. Fifteenth-century Persian painting: Problems and issues (New York, 1991).

Bibliography

331

Robinson, B.W. “The Dunimarle Shahnama: A Timurid manuscript from Mazandaran.” In Studies in Persian art, vol. II, by B.W. Robinson (London, 1993), 193–204. Robinson, B.W., Ernst J. Grube, G.M. Meredith-Owens & R.W. Skelton. Islamic painting and the arts of the book (London, 1976). Roemer, Hans Robert. “The successors of Tīmūr.” In The Cambridge history of Iran. vol. 6, The Timurid and Safavid periods, eds. Peter Jackson & Lawrence Lockhart (Cambridge, 1986), 98–146. Rosen, Victor. Les manuscrits Persans de l’institut des langues orientales. vol. 3 (Amsterdam, 1971). Rossabi, Morris. China and Inner Asia from 1368 to the present day (London, 1975). Rossabi, Morris. “Two Ming envoys to Inner Asia.” T’oung Pao, Second series, vol. 62, Livr. 1/3 (1976), 1–34. Roxburgh, David J. “Heinrich Friedrich von Diez and his eponymous albums: Mss. Diez A. fols. 70–74.” Muqarnas 12 (1995), 112–36. Roxburgh, David J. “ ‘Our works point to us’: Album making, collecting, and art (1427– 1565) under the Timurids and Safavids.” PhD. diss., University of Philadelphia, 1996. Roxburgh, David J. The Persian album, 1400–1600: From dispersal to collection (New Haven, 2005). Roxburgh, David J. (ed.). Turks: A journey of a thousand years, 600–1600 (London, 2005). Roxburgh, David J. “The ‘Journal’ of Ghiyath al-Din Naqqash, Timurid envoy to Khan Baligh, and Chinese art and architecture.” In The power of things and the flow of cultural transformations, eds. Lieselotte E. Saurma-Jeltsch & Anja Eisenbeiß (Berlin, 2010), 90–113. Rührdanz, Karin. Orientalische illustrierte Handschriften aus Museen und Bibliotheken der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik (Berlin, 1984). Rührdanz, Karin. “Illustrationen zu Rašīd al-Dīns Ta‌ʾrīḫ-i Mubārak-i Ġāzānī in den Berliner Diez-Alben.” In L’Iran face à la domination Mongole, ed. Denise Aigle (Téhéran, 1997), 295–307. Rührdanz, Karin. “Exotic decoration and cosmological symbolism: Chinoiserie drawings from the Diez albums in the context of early Timurid cosmographies.” In The phenomenon of “foreign” in oriental art, ed. Annette Hagedorn (Wiesbaden, 2006), 89–100. Safari Aq Qal‘ih, ‘Ali. “Ahval va athar-i Simi Nishaburi va muhr-i kitabkhana-yi Shahrukh Timuri.” Guzarish-i Miras 41 (1389/2010), 13–18. Safari Aq Qal‘ih, ‘Ali. “Muhr-i Baysunghur-i Timuri va kitabatha-yi Masʿud ibn Mansur ibn Ahmad-i Mutatabbib.” Guzarish-i Miras 49 (1390/2012), 20–23. Sajjādī, Ṣādeq. “Pishguftar-i musahhih.” In Idem (ed.) Jughrafiya-yi Hafiz-i Abru: Mushtamil bar jughrafiya-yi tarikhi-yi diyar-i ʿarab, maghrib, andlus, misr, va sham. By Hafiz-i Abru (Tehran, 1375/1997).

332

Bibliography

Sasanpur, Shahrzad. “Ravabit-i khariji-yi Iran dar dawran-i Shahrukh-i Timuri.” Tarikh-i ravabit-i khariji 26/27 (Spring-Summer 1385/2006), 1–20. Schapiro, Meyer. “The angel with the ram in Abraham’s sacrifice: A parallel in Western and Islamic art.” Ars Islamica 10 (1943), 134–47. Schimmel, Annemarie. Calligraphy and Islamic culture (London, 1990). Schroeder, Eric. “Mrs. Rockefeller’s miniatures at the Fogg.” The Connoisseur 148 (August 1961), 70–75. Séguy, Marie-Rose. The miraculous journey of Mahomet: Miraj Nameh, BN, Paris Sup Turc 190. tr. Richard Pevear (New York, 1977). Shani, Raya Y. “Noah’s Ark and the ship of faith in Persian painting: From the fourteenth to the sixteenth-century.” Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 27 (2002), 127–203. Shani, Raya Y. “Illustrations of the parable of the ship of the faith in Firdausi’s prologue to the Shahnama.” In Shahnama Studies I, ed. Charles Melville (Cambridge, 2006), 1–40. Siddīquī, Iqtidār Ḥusain. “Influence and prestige of the sultan of Delhi in India and the neighbouring countries, with special reference to Central Asia – fifteenth century.” Central Asiatic Journal 29 (1985), 98–110. Simpson, Marianna Shreve. Arab and Persian painting in the Fogg Art Museum (Cambridge, 1980). Sims, Eleanor. “Ibrahim Sultan’s illustrated Zafar-Nameh of 839/1436.” In Islamic art: A biennial dedicated to the art and culture of the Muslim world, vol. 4, eds. Ernst J. Grube & Eleanor Sims (New York, 1992), 175–217. Sims, Eleanor. “A Timurid manuscript of Nizami’s Khamseh from the library of the Timurid sultan Shah Rukh, Persia, circa 1420–1425.” Bonhams, Oriental and European rugs and carpets and Islamic works of art, lot 491 (October 15–16, 1996), 58–68. Sims, Eleanor. “The hundred and one paintings of Ibrahim-Sultan.” In Persian painting from the Mongols to the Qajars, studies in honour of Basil W. Robinson, ed. Robert Hillenbrand (London, 2000), 119–27. Sims, Eleanor. “The Nahj al-Faradis of Sultan Abu Saʿid ibn Sultan Muhammad ibn Miranshah: An illustrated Timurid ascension text of the ‘interim’ period.” Journal of the David Collection 4 (2014), 88–147. Sims, Eleanor, with a contribution by Tim Stanley. “The illustrations of Baghdad 282 in the Topkapi Sarayi Library in Istanbul.” In Cairo to Kabul: Afghan and Islamic studies, eds. Warwick Ball & Leonard Harrow (London, 2002), 222–27. Sims, Eleanor, Boris I. Marshak & Ernst J. Grube. Peerless images: Persian painting and its sources (New Haven, 2002). Sotheby & Co. Catalogue of fine Western & Oriental manuscripts and miniatures (London, July 5, 1965). Soucek, Priscilla P. “The life of the Prophet: Illustrated versions.” In Content and context of visual arts in the Islamic world, ed. Priscilla P. Soucek (University Park, 1988), 193–217.

Bibliography

333

Soucek, Priscilla P. “The manuscripts of Iskandar Sultan: Structure and content.” In Timurid art and culture: Iran and Central Asia in the fifteenth-century, eds. Lisa Golombek & Maria Eva Subtelny (Leiden, 1992), 116–31. Soucek, Priscilla P. “Tīmūrid women: A cultural perspective.” In Women in the medieval Islamic world: Power, patronage, and piety, ed. Gavin R.G. Hambly (New York, 1998), 199–226. Soucek, Priscilla. “Eskandar Solṭān.” In Encyclopaedia Iranica. vol. 8, ed. Ehsan Yarshater (Costa Mesa, 1998), 603–4. Soucek, Priscilla P. & Filiz Çağman. “A royal manuscript and its transformation: The life of a book.” In The book in the Islamic world: The written word and communication in the Middle East, ed. George N. Atiyeh (Albany, 1995), 179–208. Soudavar, Abolala. Art of the Persian courts: Selections from the Art and History Trust Collection (New York, 1992). Stchoukine, Ivan. Les peintures des manuscrits Tîmûrides (Paris, 1954). Stierlin, Henri. Islamic art and architecture (London, 2009). Stillman, Y.K., N.A. Stillman & T. Majda. “Libās.” In Encyclopaedia of Islam. vol. V, eds. C.E. Bosworth, E. van Donzel, B. Lewis & Ch. Pellat (Leiden, 1986), 732–53. Storey, C.A. Persian literature: A bio-bibliographical survey. vol. 1, part 1 (London, 1970). Sturkenboom, Ilse. “The imagery of the Manṭiq al-Ṭayr: A fifteenth-century history of manuscripts incorporating ʿAṭṭār’s Conference of the Birds.” PhD. diss., University of Bamberg, 2016. Subtelny, Maria Eva. “The cult of ʿAbdullāh Anṣārī under the Timurids.” In Gott ist schön und Er liebt die Schönheit/God is beautiful and He loves beauty: Festschrift in honour of Annemarie Schimmel, eds. A. Giese & J.C. Bürgel (Bern, 1994), 377–406. Subtelny, Maria Eva. “The Sunni revival under Shah-Rukh and its promoters: A study of the connection between ideology and higher learning in Timurid Iran.” In Proceedings of the 27th meeting of Haneda memorial hall symposium on Central Asia and Iran: August 30, 1993 (Kyoto, 1994), 14–23. Subtelny, Maria Eva. “The Jews at the edge of the world in a Timurid-era Miʿrājnāma: The Islamic ascension narrative as missionary text.” In The Prophet’s ascension: Cross-cultural encounters with the Islamic Miʿrāj tales, eds. Christiane Gruber & Frederick Colby (Bloomington, 2010), 50–77. Subtelny, Maria Eva & Anas B. Khalidov. “The curriculum of Islamic higher learning in Timurid Iran in the light of the Sunni revival under Shāh-Rukh.” Journal of the American Oriental Society 115, no. 2 (Apr.–Jun. 1995), 210–36. Subtelny, Maria Eva & Charles Melville. “Ḥāfeẓ-e Abru.” In Encyclopaedia Iranica. vol. 11, ed. Ehsan Yarshater (New York, 2003), 507–9. Suleimanov, Hamid (ed.). Miniatures illuminations of Amir Hosrov Dehlevi’s works (Tashkent, 1983). Sultanov, Т.I. “Muʿizz al-ansāb and spurious Chingīzids.” Manuscripta Orientalia 2, no. 3 (September 1996), 3–7.

334

Bibliography

Swietochowski, Marie. “The development of traditions of book illustration in preSafavid Iran.” Iranian Studies 7, no. 1–2 (Winter–Spring 1974), 49–71. Tabbagh, Emile. Catalogue des objets d’art d’orient, antiquités, céramiques de Perse, faïences de damas, rhodes, koupatcha, kutayeh, cuivres et bronzes, manuscrits Persans, importantes miniatures Persanes et Indo-Persanes, velours de seutori, vitrines composant la collection de Monsieur Emile Tabbagh (Paris, May 20–21, 1935). Tabbagh, Emile. The Emile Tabbagh collection: Early Mediterranean and Near Eastern art [sale catalogue] (New York, January 3 and 4, 1936). Taggart, Ross E., George L. McKenna & Marc F. Wilson. Handbook of the collections in the William Rockhill Nelson Gallery of Art and Mary Atkins Museum of Fine Arts, vol. 2: Art of the orient (Kansas City, 1973). Tanındı, Zeren. “Illustrated historical texts in the Islamic manuscripts.” In Islamic art: Common principles, forms and themes, proceedings of the international symposium held in Istanbul in April 1983, eds. Ahmed Mohammed Issa & Tahsin Ömer Tahaoğlu (Damascus, 1989), 250–60. Tanındı, Zeren. “Additions to illustrated manuscripts in Ottoman workshops.” Muqarnas 17 (2000), 147–61. Tauer, Felix. “Les manuscrits persans historiques des bibliothèques de Stamboul: I,” Archiv Orientali III (1931), 87–118. Tauer, Felix. “Vorbericht über die Edition des Ẓafarnāma von Niẓām Šāmī und der wichtigsten Teile der Geschichtswerke Ḥāfiẓ-i Abrū’s.” Archiv orientální IV (1932), 250–56. Tauer, Felix. “Beiträge zur Kenntnis der Geschichtswerke Ḥāfiẓ-i Abrūs.” Bibliotheca Orientalis 15 (1958), 146–48. Tauer, Felix. “Ḥāfiẓ-i Abrū.” In Encyclopaedia of Islam. vol. III, eds. B. Lewis, V.L. Ménage, Ch. Pellat & J. Schacht (Leiden, 1986), 57–58. Thackston, Wheeler M. “Translator’s preface.” In Idem (tr.) Rashiduddin Fazlullah’s Jamiʿu’t-tawarikh, a compendium of chronicles: A history of the Mongols. 3 vols. (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1998–99). Thompson, Henry Y. Illustrations from one hundred manuscripts in the library of Henry Yates Thompson consisting of sixty-nine plates illustrating ten MSS. of various countries from the IXth to the XVIth centuries (London, 1912). Titley, Norah M. Miniatures from Persian manuscripts: A catalogue and subject index of paintings from Persia, India, and Turkey in the British Library and the British Museum (London, 1977). Titley, Norah M. “A Khamsa of Niẓāmī dated Herat, 1421.” The British Library Journal 4, no. 2 (Autumn 1978), 161–86. Titley, Norah M. Persian miniature painting and its influence on the art of Turkey and India (London, 1983).

Bibliography

335

Togan, A. Zeki Velidi. Oğuz destanı: Reşideddin Oğuznâmesi, tercüme ve tahlili (İstanbul, 1972). Tottoli, Roberto. “Origin and use of the term Isrāʾīliyyāt in Muslim literature.” Arabica T. 46, fasc. 2 (1999), 193–210. Von Folsach, Kjeld. Islamic art: The David Collection (Copenhagen, 1990). Von Folsach, Kjeld. Art from the world of Islam in the David Collection (Copenhagen, 2001). Von Folsach, Kjeld. For the privileged few: Islamic miniature painting from the David Collection (Humlebaek, 2008). Welch, Anthony. Collection of Islamic art: Prince Sadruddin Aga Khan. vol. 1 (Genève, 1972). Welch, Anthony. “The arts of the book.” In Treasures of Islam, ed. Toby Falk (Geneva, 1985), 32–175. Wilber, Donald. “Qavam al-Din ibn Zayn al-Din Shirazi: A fifteenth-century Timurid architect.” Architectural History 30 (1987), 31–44. Wolfe, Nancy Hatch. Herat: A pictorial guide (Kabul, 1966). Woods, John E. “Turco-Iranica II: Notes on a Timurid decree of 1396/798.” Journal of Near Eastern Studies 43, no. 4 (Oct. 1984), 331–37. Woods, John E. “The rise of Tīmūrid historiography.” Journal of Near Eastern Studies 46, no. 2 (April 1987), 81–108. Woods, John E. “Timur’s genealogy.” In Intellectual studies on Islam, essays written in honor of Martin B. Dickson, eds. Michel M. Mazzaoui & Vera B. Moreen (Salt Lake City, 1990), 85–125. Woods, John E. The Aqquyunlu: Clan, confederation, empire (Salt Lake City, 1999). Wright, Elaine. The look of the book: Manuscript production in Shiraz, 1303–1425 (Washington, DC, 2012). Yaghma‌ ʾi, Habib. “Muqaddima.” In Idem (ed.) Qisas al-anbiya‌ʾ. By Abu Ishaq Nayshaburi (Tehran, 1384/2005–6). Yarshater, Ehsan. Shiʿr-i farsi dar ʿahd-i Shahrukh (nima-yi avval-i qarn-i nuhum): Ya aghaz-i inhitat-i dar shiʿr-i farsi (Tehran, 1334/1955). Yidan, Wang. History of China and Cathay: Being a fragment of Jāmiʿ al-tawārīkh (The Compendium of Chronicles) by Rashīd al-Dīn Fazl Allah (Tehran: 2000).

Index Aaron 55, 166–67, 171–72, 175, 182, 185 ʿAbbasid history 2, 51, 58, 65–67, 75, 84–86, 106 ʿAbd-Allah Abi Naʿim Firuz-Abadi 50 ʿAbd-Allah ibn ʿAbbas (Qurʾan scholar) 55, 134, 215 ʿAbd-Allah ibn ʿUmar 55 ʿAbd al-Malik ibn Nuh 102 ʿAbd al-Muttalib 203–4, 206–8 ʿAbd al-Razzaq Samarqandi (Timurid historian) 15, 46n10, 47 Abdülhamid II (Ottoman ruler) 39, 65 Abel (Adam’s son) 78, 132–34 Abraham (prophet) 12, 37–38, 54, 78, 112, 114, 120–23, 145–56, 195 Abu ʿAbd-Allah al-Ta⁠ʾi 102 Abu al-Faraj Zanjani 46 Abu Bakr (first Sunni caliph) 55n70, 101, 114, 214–17, 220–22 Abu Bakr (son of Miranshah) 9 Abu Hamid Muhammad ibn Ibrahim 68 Abu Rayhan al-Biruni 46 Abu Saʿid (Qara Quyunlu prince) 9 Abu Saʿid Bahadur (Ilkhanid ruler) 48, 51, 11n22 Abu Saʿid Guregen (Timurid ruler) 44 Abu Saʿid Shibi 102, 112 Abu ʿUbayda 101 Adam (first prophet) 1, 3, 54, 58, 78, 132–34, 182, 195 Adamova, Adel 39–40 Afrasiyab 78, 100 Aghriras 78, 100 Ahmad Jalayir, sultan 9, 25, 36, 185, 187 Ahmad Yasavi 7n6 Ahmed III (Ottoman ruler) 63 ʿAʾisha 101 ʿAja⁠ʾib al-makhluqat wa ghara⁠ʾib al-mawjudat by Qazwini 183, 190n61 ʿAja⁠ʾib al-makhluqat wa ghara⁠ʾib al-mawjudat by Tusi Salmani 185–87 ʿAla al-Dawla (Shahrukh’s grandson) 19 ʿAla al-Din Muhammad Khwarazmshah 79 Alanqua (mythical Mongol queen) 6 Alexander 78, 195, 206

ʿAli ibn Abi Talib (Shiʿi imam) 6, 101, 114n7, 129, 214–15, 217, 220–21 Allen, Terry 135n3 Alp Arsalan (Saljuq ruler) 102 Alyasaʿ see Elisha Aʿmash, Sulayman ibn Mihran 55, 134 Amina (the Prophet’s mother) 206–8 Amir ʿAli Shaqani (Shahrukh’s vizier) 19 Amir Arghunshah 49 Amir Isra⁠ʾil 102 Amir Khusraw Dihlavi 28 Amir Vali 49 ʿAmr ibn ʿUday 79 angels 54, 116, 118, 146, 151–53, 156, 158, 191, 198, 200, 207–8, 210–11, 214 Anis al-nas 26–27 Ansari, Khwaja ʿAbd-Allah (Sunni Sufi) 19, 23 Anushirvan (Sasanian king) 101, 206 Anwar al-mawaʿiz wa al-hukm fi akhbar muluk ʿajam 50 Aq Quyunlu 9, 14 ʿArab Diran 79, 101 ʿAra⁠ʾis al-majalis fi qisas al-anbiya⁠ʾ 53 Ardabil 39 Ardashir (Sasanian king) 79, 97, 101 ʿarza-dasht 25, 42 Asaf (Solomon’s vizier) 190–92 Ashab-i Kahf see Seven Sleepers Astarabad 38 ʿAta-Malik Juwayni 50 ʿAttar, Farid al-Din (poet) 28, 31, 43, 108 Aya Sofya 31, 50–51 Ayyub see Job Azarbaijan 9–10, 37, 46, 49 Babylon 145 Badakhshan 10 Bağdat köşkü 32n10 Baghdad 6, 9, 25, 37, 40, 42, 63n92, 87, 89, 185 Bagh-i Naw 23 Bagh-i Sifid 23 Bagh-i Zaghan 22 Bahman 100, 127

Index Bahram-i Gur (Sasanian king) 79, 97, 101 Baktuzun 102 Balʿami, Abu ʿAli Muhammad ibn Muhammad (historian) 33, 49, 53–54, 56–57, 90n178, 136, 167–68, 182–84, 195, 198–99 Balkh 10 Bani Isra⁠ʾil (Children of Israel) 58–59, 113, 138, 151, 158, 168, 170, 175, 191, 195 Barkiyaruq ibn Malikshah (Saljuq ruler) 102, 112 Basatin al-Uns 89 Bayqara (son of ʿUmar Shaykh) 9 Baysunghur (Shahrukh’s son) 9, 20–21, 23, 25, 27, 34n17, 40, 42–43, 49, 51, 58, 108 Bazar-i Malik 22 Bible 59 Bihdadin 45 Bilal al-Habashi 215, 220, 221n5 Bilqis 190–92 Binding 39, 65, 170n41 Blair, Sheila 36n30, 59n83, 89, 111, 135n3, 170n41 Buddha 36, 60n88, 65, 90n177, 103, 111, 124 Bukhara 14, 21, 67 Buqra Khan 103 Buzjani, Abu al-Wafa 27 Byzantine 178–179, 207, 220 Çağman, Filiz 29, 86n165, 94 Cain (Adam’s son) 78, 132–34 Caleb (prophet) 55 Calicut 15 Canaan 156 Cartier, Louis 41 Chahar Bagh 23 Ch’en Ch’eng 14–15, 19n75 Chinese history 2, 16, 58, 60, 69–70, 74–75, 77, 80–81, 83–84, 86, 88, 96, 106 Chingiz Khan (founder of the Mongol empire) 6–7, 10–12, 19, 42 coinage 8, 10, 13, 218 colophon 26, 29–30, 32, 35, 36n30, 39, 42–43, 45, 59n83, 70n110, 72–73, 74n117, 77, 86, 89, 90n177, 93–94, 96, 98–99, 106, 185 crown 114, 116, 124, 136, 147, 152, 163, 168, 171–72, 191, 196, 210–11, 214

337 Damascus 6, 103 Dara 78, 100 Darab 78, 100 David (prophet-king) 55, 190, 193 Dawlatshah Samarqandi (Timurid historian) 18, 24–25 Dawud see David Delhi 6, 15 demons 78, 124, 130, 184, 190–94 devil 132, 193 Dhu al-Kifl 55 Diez Album 28, 135 Dimand, Maurice 99 dispersed manuscript 2–4, 30, 63, 83–85, 89–107, 112 Diya⁠ʾ al-hulum fi mukhtasar shams al-ʿulum 27 Diyarbakr 9 dragon 136, 138–39, 166–68, 170, 178, 183, 185 Egypt 36, 78–79, 130, 158, 160, 166, 168, 172, 174, 182 Elijah (prophet) 55 Elisha (prophet) 55 Enoch (prophet) 54 Esau 156, 158 Ettinghausen, Richard 42, 62, 108, 136, 178–79 Eve 54 Ezekiel (prophet) 55 Fa⁠ʾiq (ruler of Herat) 102 fairies 78, 124, 130, 190–94 Fakhr al-Din (Kart ruler) 23 Falnama 145, 187, 190n61 Farabi (philosopher and jurist) 46 Farghana 8 Farhad Khan Qaramanlu (Safavid emir) 38, 64 Fars 9–10, 38 Fasih-i Khwafi (Timurid historian) 46 Fatimids 58, 77 Fawayid-i ghiyathi 31 Fereydun (king of the Pishdadiyan dynasty) 78, 100 Firdawsi (poet) 27, 50, 108 Firuz (Sasanian king) 79 Firuzkuh 9

338 Fitzherbert, Teresa 167 Franks, history of 2, 36, 58, 70, 74, 77, 80–81, 84 Gabriel (angel) 151–53, 156, 164, 170, 172, 210–11, 214 Garmsir 9 Gawharshad (Shahrukh’s wife) 9, 16, 21, 22 Gazurgah 23, 26 Georgia 9 Ghazan Khan (Ilkhanid ruler) 1, 12, 42, 218 Ghaznavids, history of 58, 65, 67–68, 77, 84–87, 93, 114, 127 Ghiyath al-Din Naqqash 14 Gog and Magog 55 Goliath 55 Gospel 195 Gray, Basil 36, 42 Grube, Ernst 42 Gruber, Christiane 44 guregen 13 Gurgan 8, 10 Gushtasb 78, 100 Habib al-siyar 17 Habil see Abel hadith 21, 45, 49, 55 Hafiz-i Abru life 45–46 works 48–49 Haj Sayyed Javadi, Sayyed Kamal 52 halo 98, 116, 120–21, 143, 153, 156, 170–72, 187, 196, 207–8, 211, 214 Ham (Noah’s son) 134 Hamadan 45 Haman (Pharaoh’s vizier) 171–72 Hamd-Allah Mustawfi (historian) 27, 48–50, 136 Hari-Malik Bakhshi 43 Harith ibn ʿAbd al-Muttalib 203–4 Hawiza 46 Hawwa see Eve Hazarjarib 9 headgear 110, 114–15, 135, 137–38, 175 Herat 1, 8, 10, 13–16, 19–23, 25–26, 28, 33, 35, 37, 39, 40n49, 43, 45–46, 48, 80, 108, 219 Hillenbrand, Robert 221

Index Himyari, Muhmmad ibn Nashwan ibn Saʿid 27 Hisam al-Dawla Tash 102 “historical style of Shahrukh” 4, 91, 108–109, 112–115, 118–119, 124, 130–131, 139, 156, 219–220 Hizqil see Ezekiel Hud (prophet) 54 Hulagu Khan (Ilkhanid ruler) 42, 80n151 Hurmuz (Sasanian king) 79, 97 hurufi 20 Husayn Bayqara (Timurid ruler) 94 Hushang (king of the Pishdadiyan dynasty) 38n36, 93 Ibn al-ʿAmid 50 Ibn al-Athir 50, 58 Ibn Khurdadhbih 49 Ibn Sina 46 Ibrahim see Abraham Ibrahim-i Adham 17 Ibrahim Sultan (Shahrukh’s son) 20–21, 25, 108 Idris see Enoch Ikhwan al-Safa 46 Ilak Khan 67, 79, 102, 112, 127 Il Arsalan (ruler of Khwarazm) 79 Ilkhanids 11–12, 24, 51, 70, 75, 77, 80–81, 86–87, 218 illumination 33, 40, 63, 68–70, 75, 88 Ilyas see Elijah Imam Riza (Shiʿi imam) 19, 22 Inal, Güner 35n24, 62, 72n113, 74n119, 80n149, 81n155, 110n3 Inal Tigin 102 India 6, 14–15, 19, 45, 59n83, 74, 77, 79, 102, 110, 120, 166n35, 170n41, 219, 222 Indian history 2, 58, 59n83, 70–71, 77, 81, 84 inscription 13n36, 21, 26, 29, 31–33, 38, 41–42, 65, 68, 74–75, 77, 110–11, 119, 161, 219, 222 Iqlimiya (Adam’s girl) 132 Iraq 10, 49, 103, 183 Isaac 150–51 Isaiah 55 Isfahan 14, 20, 25, 28 Ishaq see Isaac Ishiyushat (the son of Saul) 193n65

Index Ishmael (Abraham’s son) 54, 114, 150–53, 156, 203 Ishmuʾil see Samuel Iskandar (ruler of the Qara Quyunlu dynasty) 9–10 Iskandar Sultan (Timur’s grandson) 11, 20–21, 25, 28, 34–35, 40n49, 108, 123–24, 131, 136, 148, 152–53, 219 Ismaʿil see Ishmael Ismaʿil Hamawi 28 Ismaʿilis, history of 51, 58, 65, 69, 72, 77, 84, 96–97 Isra⁠ʾiliyyat 55–57, 182 Istanbul 3, 27, 30, 31, 39, 43, 50–52, 62–63, 65 Iʿtimad al-Saltana 45 Jacob (prophet) 36, 54, 78, 156–60, 166n35 Jaʿfari, Jaʿfar ibn Muhammad ibn Hasan al-Husayni (Timurid historian) 29 Jaʿfar Tabrizi (Timurid calligrapher) 25, 42 Jahangir (Timurid prince) 7 Jahn, Karl 75n121 Jalal al-Din Firuzshah (Timurid emir) 16 Jalal al-Din Khwarazmshah 79, 86 Jalal al-Din Qayini (Hanafi jurist) 18, 20, 31 Jalut see Goliath Jalayirid painting 36, 89, 108, 110n, 123–124, 131, 157–158, 164, 172, 179, 185, 187, 192, 207, 208 Jamal al-Din Kashani (Ilkhanid historian) 48 Jamiʿ al-tawarikh Arabic copy 2, 27, 37, 63, 75, 88, 111–12, 131 divided manuscript 4, 63, 71, 74, 81–89 “Hazine 1653” 2, 30, 52, 57–88, 92, 111–12 “Hazine 1654” 2, 30, 32, 35–39, 52, 63, 75, 80–81, 87, 111, 164 illustrations 36, 74–79, 111–12, 135, 147, 171, 178, 184, 199, 204, 208, 210 “MS. Add. 7628” 12, 31, 60n88 “Suppl. pers. 1113” 12, 30, 41–42, 108, 120, 123–24, 131 text 1–3, 5, 11–12, 34, 41, 49, 52, 54, 58, 151, 183, 218–19 Jamshid (king of the Pishdadiyan dynasty) 37–38, 78, 100, 112

339 Japheth (Noah’s son) 134 Jaqmaq (Mamluk sultan) 14 Jawahir al-zat 28 Jazira 167 Jericho 182 Jerusalem 182, 193, 195–96 Jesus (prophet) 55, 100, 114n7, 120–21, 195–98 Jethro (prophet) 54, 57 Jinn 193 Jirjis 198 see also Saint George Job (prophet) 54, 100, 163–66 John the Baptist 55, 195 Jonah (prophet) 55, 100, 112, 198–203 Joseph (prophet) 36, 54–55, 78, 130, 156–58, 160–63, 166n35 Joshua (prophet) 55 Jughrafiya-yi Hafiz-i Abru 48 Juzjani, Minhaj al-Din Siraj 50 Kaʿba 12, 206, 210n79 Kaʿb ibn Ashraf 101 Kalib see Caleb Kamil fi al-tarikh 50, 58 Kanʿan (Noah’s son) 134, 137–39 Kaykawus (king of the Kayaniyan dynasty) 193n65 Kaykhusraw (king of the Kayaniyan dynasty) 78, 193n65 Kayqubad 78 Kayumars (king of the Pishdadiyan dynasty) 78, 100, 110 Khadija (the Prophet’s wife) 210, 214–15 Khalidov, Anas B. 8 Khalil Sultan (Timurid ruler) 8–9, 11 Khamsa by Amir Khusraw Dihlavi 28 Khamsa by ʿAttar 31 Khamsa by Nizami 26–27, 30, 39–41, 89, 109, 120, 222 Khanbaliq (Beijing) 14 khanqah 2, 21–23 Khanzada (a descendant of Chingiz Khan) 7 khilafat 13, 218, 221 Khizr 55 Khizr Khan (Indian ruler) 15 Khurasan 8, 10, 19 Khusraw Parviz (Sasanian king) 210

340 khutba 8, 10, 15 Khwaf 45 Khwafi, Ghiyath al-Din Pir ʿAli (Timurid emir) 16 Khwaja ʿAbd-Allah Taqi mausoleum 23 Khwaja ʿAbdulqadir Maragha-i (Timurid musician) 24 Khwaju Kirmani 108 Khwandmir, Ghiyath al-Din ibn Humam al-Din (Safavid historian) 10, 17–18, 46n10, 48 Khwarazmshahs, history of 58, 69, 77, 81, 84–86, 88n172 Kisa⁠ʾi, Muhammad ibn ʿAbd-Allah 52, 137 Korah 55, 78, 100, 112, 175, 177–81, 183 kufic script 71–72, 75, 119 Kühnel, Ernst 93 Kukiltash, Amir Alika (Shahrukh’s vizier) 16 Kulayni, Abu Jaʿfar Muhammad ibn Yaʿqub ibn Ishaq 55 Kul Erki Khan 79 Kulliyat-i tarikhi 3, 17n61, 30, 32, 44, 108, 114n7, 121n15, 124, 132, 136, 139, 142–43, 145–46, 150, 152, 156, 161, 163, 167–68, 185, 196 Kun Khan (Ughuz’s son) 79 Leah (Jacob’s wife) 156, 158 Levant 45, 156, 182, 206 Lot (prophet) 54 Lut see Lot Luza (Adam’s girl) 132 Mahmud (Timurid scribe) 26 Mahmud of Ghazna, Sultan 102–3, 112 Mahmud Shah (Indian ruler) 15 al-Majasti 27 Majmaʿ al-tawarikh content 50–52 illustrations 78–79, 99–101 importance 47–48 lives of the prophets in 54–55, 57 sources 49–50, 54 surviving manuscripts 50–52 Malikat Agha (Shahrukh’s wife) 13, 22 Mamluks 14 Mansur ibn Nuh (Samanid ruler) 53

Index Manuchihr (king of the Pishdadiyan dynasty) 78 Manz, Beatrice Forbes 8, 11n22 Martinovitch, Nicholas 90, 93, 95, 106–7 Mary (mother of Jesus) 55, 195–96 Maryam see Mary Masalik al-mamalik 49 Mashhad 19, 21–23, 45 Masʿud ibn ʿAbd-Allah (Timurid scribe) 26 Masʿudi, ʿAli ibn Husayn 49 Matlaʿ al-saʿdayn 15 Mawlana ʿAbd-Allah Tabbakh (Timurid scribe) 26 Mawlana Khalil (Timurid painter) 24–25, 42 Mawlana Maʿruf (Timurid scribe) 25, 33, 35, 42 Mazandaran 8, 10, 38, 222 Mazdak 79 Mecca 114n7, 203, 215 Medina 101, 118, 215, 221 Melville, Charles 50n34 Milstein, Rachel 120, 172, 199 Ming China 14, 20 Miʿrajnama 30, 32, 43–44, 134, 156 Miranshah (Timurid prince) 6–9 Mirkhwand (Safavid historian) 48 mistara 63 Moses (prophet) 55–57, 78, 100, 110–14, 121, 139, 166–89 Mubarak Shah (Indian ruler) 15 Mubariz al-Din Muhammad Muzaffar 17n62 muezzin 137, 221 Mughals 222 Muhammad (the Prophet) 3, 5–6, 18–19, 39n47, 41n56, 43n66, 50, 66, 72, 75, 79, 101, 112, 114, 119n12, 120–22, 129, 136, 164, 171, 175, 203–4, 206–16, 220–21 Muhammad ibn Ishaq Sahib Maghazi 55, 210 Muhammad ibn Mahmud (Saljuq ruler) 103 Muhammad ibn Mahmud ibn Ahmad Tusi Salmani 185 Muhammad ibn Malikshah (Saljuq ruler) 83n159, 89, 102, 112 Muhammad ibn Murtaza (ruler of Mazandaran) 222 Muhammad ibn Yahya 49

Index Muhammad ibn Yusuf Thaqafi 206 Muhammad Juki (Shahrukh’s son) 19 Muhammad Sultan (Timurid prince) 7 Muʿin al-Din Natanzi (Timurid historian) 29 Muʿizz al-ansab 11, 31 Muʿizz li-Din Allah 103 mujaddid 1, 18 al-Muʿjam fi athar muluk-i ʿajam 50 Mujmal-i Fasihi 46 al-Mukhtasar fi tarikh akhbar al-bashar 28 Mulla Lutf-Allah Shirazi 27 Multan 15, 102 Munajjim Bashi (Ottoman historian) 18 Muntakhab al-tawarikh-i Muʿini 29 Muntasir (Samanid emir) 79 Muruj al-dhahab wa maʿadin al-jawahir 49, 56 Mustafa see Muhammad Mustaʿsim (ʿAbbasid caliph) 96 Muzaffarids 17n62, 49, 94 Nahj al-Faradis 44 Namrud see Nimrod Nasayih-i Shahrukhi 18, 20, 31 Nasir (ʿAbbasiad Caliph) 87 Nasir al-Din Tusi 46, 80n151 naskh script 29, 35, 37, 63, 70, 91 Nasr-Allah Munshi 37 Nasr ibn al-Hasan Firuzan 102, 112 nastaʿliq script 32, 37, 39, 41, 64 Nawzar (king of the Pishdadiyan dynasty) 78 Nimrod 55, 145–48, 150 Nishaburi, Abu Ishaq Ibrahim ibn Mansur ibn Khalaf 53 Nizam al-Din Shami (Timurid historian) 7, 11, 29, 34, 48–51 Nizam al-tawarikh 50 Nizami Ganjavi (poet) 26, 27, 30, 39–41, 89, 108–9 Noah (prophet) 54, 57, 78, 100, 124, 134–41, 185, 195–97, 220 Nuh ibn Mansur 102 Nuzhat al-qulub 49 Osman II (Ottoman ruler) 39 Ottomans 4, 14, 39, 74

341 Padishah-i Islam 8, 12, 218 Parthian empire 198 Peaco*ck, Andrew 53 Pharaoh 100, 166–72, 174 Pir Ahmad Baghshimali (painter) 35 Pir ʿAli Taz (Timurid vizier) 7 Piran 78 Pir Muhammad (Timurid prince) 7, 10–11 Pishdadiyan 75 Qabil see Cain Qandahar 9 Qara Quyunlu 9 Qara Yusuf (ruler of the Qara Quyunlu dynasty) 9–10, 17, 25 Qarun see Korah Qasim-i Anvar (Sufi poet) 20, 23 Qatada ibn Diʿama 55, 134 Qawam al-Din Shirazi (Timurid architect) 22, 24 Qazan (Chaghatayid Khan) 6 Qazi Bayzavi 50 Qazvin 9 Qipchaq steppe 9, 19, 45 Qisas al-anbiya⁠ʾ 4, 49, 52–54, 57, 137, 145, 190 Queen of Sheba see Bilqis Quhistan 19 Qumi, Qadi Ahmad 21, 25 Qurʾan 5, 7n6, 17, 19, 21, 34, 45, 49, 52–57, 59, 102, 113, 134, 138, 151, 157, 174, 182, 210, 218 Quraysh 107n, 203 Qurqurt 79 Rabʿ-i Rashidi 2, 4, 35, 58, 62–68, 74, 81, 83–84, 87, 89, 109–10, 113, 131, 142, 164, 171, 193, 206, 218–19, 221 Rachel (Jacob’s wife) 156, 158 Rahima (Job’s wife) 164 Rashid al-Din 1–2, 11–12 Rashid al-Din Watwat 85n163, 103 Raushan, Muhammad 50 Ray 8, 10 Rehoboam (Solomon’s son) 55 Revan Köşkü 51, 63n92 Richard, Francis 42 Rijʿim see Rehoboam Robinson, Basil William 35, 40 Rukana ibn ʿAbd Yazid 101

342 Rum 45, 50, 78 Rustam 17, 78, 100 Saʿdi (poet) 21, 108, 163 Safavids 4, 38, 55, 64, 68–69, 75 Saint George 55 Saint Peter 79 Salghurids 58, 65, 69, 77, 81, 84, 88n172 Salih (prophet) 38n36, 54, 100, 112, 142–45 Saljuqnama 50 Saljuqs, history of 51, 58, 68, 77, 81, 84–88, 96–97 Samarqand 6–8, 14, 20–21, 43 Samson 55 Samudri Raja (Indian ruler) 15 Samuel (prophet) 55 Sanjar ibn Malikshah (Saljuq ruler) 39, 103, 112 Sarbadarids 49 Sari 9 Sasanians, history of 96–98 Saul 55, 193n65 Sava 9 Sayf al-Dawla 102 Sayf al-Vahidi (Timurid poet and painter) 42 Sayf ibn Muhammad Harawi 48 seal 4, 13, 26–33, 39, 41–42, 57, 63, 65, 75, 83, 89–90, 94 Seleucid empire 198 Seth (prophet) 54, 132, 134 Seven Sleepers 55, 198 Shad Mulk 8n11 Shah ʿAbbas I (Safavid ruler) 38, 39n42 Shahnama 27, 50, 94, 222 Shah Niʿmat-Allah Vali (Sufi poet) 21, 23 Shahr-i Sabz 21 Shahrukh artists of the kitabkhana of 25–26 art patronage 22–23 books in the kitabkhana of 27–29 books produced for 30–32 chronicles presented to 29 life 7, 16–20 rise to power 8–10 shamsa 17n61, 28–33, 38, 41, 51n37, 65, 75–76, 89 Shams al-husn 29

Index Shamshun see Samson Shani, Raya 137 Shapur ibn Ardashir (Sasanian king) 79, 97–98, 101 Shapur ibn Hurmuz (Sasanian king) 79 Sharaf al-Din Qazwini 50 shariʿa 12–13, 17–18, 20, 24, 47, 199 Shaykh Safi al-Din 39 Shem (son of Noah) 100, 114n7, 134, 195–98 Shihab al-Din Ghuri 79 Shiraz 6, 14, 20–21, 25, 29, 33, 35, 38, 40, 40n49, 108, 123, 136, 139, 148, 185 Shirvan 9 Shiʿya see Isaiah Shuʿab-i panjgana 11 Shuʿayb see Jethro Simjur 102 Sims, Eleanor 27n7, 33, 41–42 Sistan 10 Sitta by Farid al-Din ʿAttar 31 Siyar al-nabi 49, 54 Siyawash 78, 100 Solomon (prophet) 55, 78, 124, 130, 190–95 Soucek, Priscilla 29, 94 Stanley, Tim 33 Subtelny, Maria Eva 8, 43 Sultaniya 9 Sultan Muhammad (son of Baysunghur) 9, 20 Sultan Uvays (Timurid ruler) 9 sura 17, 157, 174 Suwar al-aqalim 49 Tabaqat-i nasiri 50 Tabari, Muhammad ibn Jarir (historian) 33–34, 49, 53–54, 56–58, 182, 226 Tabbagh, Emile 90 Tabriz 2, 6, 9, 16–17, 25, 40, 80 Taft 21 Tahmuras (king of the Pishdadiyan dynasty) 38n36, 78, 97 taht al-hanak 114, 136, 152 Taj al-Din Salmani (Timurid historian) 17, 29 Takash (sultan of Khwarazm) 85n163, 103 Talha ibn Abi Talha 129 Talut see Saul tamgha 20

343

Index Tanındı, Zeren 86n165 Tarikh-i guzida 27, 50, 136 Tarikh-i Ibn al-ʿAmid 50 Tarikh-i jahangushay 50 Tarikh-i mubarak-i Ghazani 12, 26, 31 Tarikh-i Shahrukhi 48 Tarikh-i Tabari 34, 49, 53–54, 56, 58, 182 Tarikh-i wasit 29 Tarikh-i Wassaf 50 Tarikh-i yamini 50 Tarikhnama-yi Herat 48 Tauer, Felix 48 Tazkirat al-awliya⁠ʾ 28, 30, 43–44 Tazkirat al-shuʿara 18, 24 Thaʿlabi, Ahmad ibn Muhammad ibn Ibrahim 53 Thamud, People of 142 Three Magi 207 thulth script 70, 75, 91, 161 Timur (founder of the Timurid dynasty) 6–13, 20, 45–48, 50–51, 160, 218, 221–22 Timurids 6–15, 21–25 Topkapı Sarayı Library 2–3, 27, 30–32, 43, 45, 50, 57, 63n92, 64, 145, 152, 190n61 Transoxiana 6, 8, 10, 48 Tughay-Timur 49 Tughrul I (Saljuq ruler) 103 Tughrul II (Saljuq ruler) 68, 103, 112 Tuman Khan 79 Turkistan 10 Ughuz Khan 77, 79, 88, 103 Ughuz Turks 2, 12, 16, 58, 65n98, 69, 75, 77, 81, 84, 87–88, 96–97, 114 Uighur script 43–44 ʿUj 55, 57, 78, 100–111, 136, 139, 182–89 Uljaytu (Ilkhanid ruler) 1, 11, 34, 48 ulu al-ʿazm 122 Ulugh Beg (Timurid prince) 8, 13–14, 20–21, 43 ʿUmar Shaykh (Timurid prince) 6–7, 9, 11, 13, 22

Umayya 215, 220–21 Umayyads 75 ʿUtbi, Abu Nasr Muhammad ibn ʿAbd al-Jabbar 50 Uzbeks 9 Wahb ibn Munabbih 52 Watson, Parish 90 Yahya see John Yaʿqub see Jacob yarghu 13, 20 yasa 12, 13n33 Yazdgird (Sasanian king) 95, 97 Yazdi, Sharaf al-Din ʿAli (Timurid historian) 18 Yıldız Palace 39, 65 Yung-lo (Chinese emperor) 14, 19 Yunus see Jonah Yushaʿ see Joshua Yusuf see Joseph Yusuf Andagani (Timurid singer) 24 Zabulistan 10 Zafarnama by Mustawfi 48 Zafarnama by Shami 7, 11, 29, 34, 48–51 Zahhak 37 Zahiri mausoleum 21 Zahiri Nishaburi 50 Zakariyya see Zechariah Zakariyya ibn Muhammad al-Qazwini 183 Zakhira-yi khwarazmshahi 28 Zamzam 101, 112, 124, 203–205 Zanjan 46 Zayd ibn Haritha 214–15, 217, 220 Zechariah (priest) 55, 195 Zij-i khaqani 31 Zoroaster 100 Zubdat al-tawarikh-i Baysunghuri 47–49, 51 Zulaykha (Potiphar’s wife) 55, 130, 160–61, 163

Lives of the Prophets, The Illustrations to Hafiz-i Abru’s “Assembly of Chronicles” PDF - AZPDF.TIPS (2024)

References